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 Even the Council on Foreign Relations Is Saying It: 
 Time to Rain Money on Main Street 
 By Ellen Brown Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, September 8, 2014 
 
	 You can always count on Americans to do the right 
	thing, after they’ve tried everything else. —Winston Churchill 
	 When an article appears in Foreign Affairs, 
	the mouthpiece of the policy-setting Council on Foreign Relations, 
	recommending that the Federal Reserve do a money drop directly on the 99%, 
	you know the central bank must be down to its last bullet.  The September/October issue of Foreign Affairs 
	features an article by Mark Blyth and Eric Lonergan titled “Print 
	Less But Transfer More: Why Central Banks Should Give Money Directly To The 
	People.” It’s the sort of thing normally heard only from money reformers 
	and Social Credit enthusiasts far from the mainstream. What’s going on?  The Fed, it seems, has finally
	
	run out of other ammo. It has to taper its quantitative easing program, 
	which is eating up the Treasuries and mortgage-backed securities
	needed as collateral for 
	the repo market that is the engine of the bankers’ shell game. The Fed’s 
	Zero Interest Rate Policy (ZIRP) has also done serious collateral damage. 
	The banks that get the money just put it in interest-bearing Federal Reserve 
	accounts or buy foreign debt or speculate with it; and the profits go back 
	to the 1%, who park it offshore to avoid taxes. Worse, any increase in the 
	money supply from increased borrowing increases the overall debt burden and 
	compounding finance costs, which are already a major constraint on economic 
	growth. Meanwhile, the economy continues to teeter on the 
	edge of deflation. The Fed needs to pump up the money supply and stimulate 
	demand in some other way. All else having failed, it is reduced to trying 
	what money reformers have been advocating for decades — get money into the 
	pockets of the people who actually spend it on goods and services. A Helicopter Drop on Main 
	Street Blyth and Lonergan write:  [L]ow inflation . . . occurs when people and 
	businesses are too hesitant to spend their money, which keeps unemployment 
	high and wage growth low. In the eurozone, inflation has recently dropped 
	perilously close to zero. . . . At best, the current policies are not 
	working; at worst, they will lead to further instability and prolonged 
	stagnation. Governments must do better. Rather than trying to 
	spur private-sector spending through asset purchases or interest-rate 
	changes, central banks, such as the Fed, should hand consumers cash 
	directly. In practice, this policy could take the form of giving central 
	banks the ability to hand their countries’ tax-paying households a certain 
	amount of money. The government could distribute cash equally to all 
	households or, even better, aim for the bottom 80 percent of households in 
	terms of income. Targeting those who earn the least would have two primary 
	benefits. For one thing, lower-income households are more prone to consume, 
	so they would provide a greater boost to spending. For another, the policy 
	would offset rising income inequality. [Emphasis added.] A money drop directly on consumers is not a new 
	idea for the Fed. Ben Bernanke recommended it in his notorious 2002 
	helicopter speech to the Japanese who were caught in a similar deflation 
	trap. But the Japanese ignored the advice. According to Blyth and Lonergan:  Bernanke argued that the Bank of Japan needed to act more 
	aggressively and suggested it consider an unconventional approach: give 
	Japanese households cash directly. Consumers could use the new windfalls to 
	spend their way out of the recession, driving up demand and raising prices.  . . . The conservative economist Milton Friedman also saw the 
	appeal of direct money transfers, which he likened to dropping cash out of a 
	helicopter. Japan never tried using them, however, and the country’s economy 
	has never fully recovered. Between 1993 and 2003, Japan’s annual growth 
	rates averaged less than one percent. Today most of the global economy is drowning in 
	debt, and central banks have played all their other cards.  Blyth and 
	Lonergan write: It’s well past time, then, for U.S. policymakers 
	-- as well as their counterparts in other developed countries -- to consider 
	a version of Friedman’s helicopter drops. In the short term, such cash 
	transfers could jump-start the economy. Over the long term, they could 
	reduce dependence on the banking system for growth and reverse the trend of 
	rising inequality. The transfers wouldn’t cause damaging inflation, and few 
	doubt that they would work. The only real question is why no government has 
	tried them. The Hyperinflation Bugaboo The 
	main reason governments have not tried this approach, say the authors, is 
	the widespread belief that it will trigger hyperinflation. But will it? In a 
	Forbes article titled “Money 
	Growth Does Not Cause Inflation!”, John Harvey argues that the rule as 
	taught in economics class is based on some invalid assumptions. The formula 
	is:
	MV = Py When the velocity of money (V) and the quantity 
	of goods sold (y) are constant, adding money (M) must drive up prices (P). 
	But, says Harvey, V and y are not constant. The more money people have to 
	spend (M), the more money that will change hands (V), and the more goods and 
	services that will get sold (y). Only when V and y reach their limits – only 
	when demand is saturated and productivity is at full capacity – will 
	consumer prices be driven up. And they are nowhere near their limits yet.  
	The US output gap – 
	the difference between actual output (y) and potential output – is currently 
	estimated at about $1 trillion annually. That means the money supply could 
	be increased by at least $1 trillion without driving up prices.  As for V, the relevant figure for the lower 80% 
	(the target population of Blyth and Lonergan) is the velocity of M1 –– 
	coins, dollar bills, and checkbook money. Fully 76% of Americans now
	live 
	paycheck to paycheck. When they get money, they spend it. They don’t 
	trade in the forms of investment called
	“near money” and “near, 
	near money” that make up the bulk of M2 and M3. 
	
	The velocity of M1 in 2012 was 7 (down from a high of 10 in 2007). That 
	means M1 changed hands seven times during 2012 – from housewife to grocer to 
	farmer, etc. Since each recipient owes taxes on this money, increasing GDP 
	by one dollar increases the tax base by seven dollars.  
	
	Total tax revenue as a percentage of GDP in 2012 was 24.3%. 
	Extrapolating from those figures, one dollar spent seven times over on goods 
	and services could increase tax revenue to the government by 7 x 24.3% = 
	$1.7. The government could actually get more back in taxes than it paid out! 
	Even with some leakage in those figures, the entire dividend paid out by the 
	Fed might be taxed back to the government, so that the money supply would 
	not increase at all.  Assume a $1 trillion dividend issued in the form 
	of debit cards that could be used only for goods and services. A 
	back-of-the-envelope estimate is that if $1 trillion were shared by all US 
	adults making under $35,000 annually, they could each get about $600 per 
	month.  If the total dividend were $2 trillion, they could get $1,200 
	per month. And in either case it could, at least in theory, all come back in 
	taxes to the government without any net increase in the money supply.   There are also other ways to get money back into 
	the Treasury so that there is no net increase in the money supply. They 
	include closing tax loopholes, taxing the
	
	$21 trillion or more hidden in offshore tax havens, raising tax rates on 
	the rich to levels like those seen in the boom years after World War II, and 
	setting up a system of public banks that would return the interest on loans 
	to the government. If bank credit were made a public utility, nearly $1 
	trillion could be returned annually to the Treasury just in bank profits and 
	savings on interest on the federal debt. 
	Interest collected by 
	U.S. banks in 2011 was $507 billion (down from $725 billion in 2007), 
	and total interest paid on the federal debt was $454 billion.  Thus there are many ways to return the money 
	issued in a national dividend to the government. The same money could be 
	spent and collected back year after year, without creating price inflation 
	or hyperinflating the money supply.   Why It’s the Job of the Fed Why not just stimulate employment through the 
	congressional funding of infrastructure projects, as politicians usually 
	advocate? Blyth and Lonergan write: The problem with these proposals is that 
	infrastructure spending takes too long to revive an ailing economy. . . . 
	Governments should . . . continue to invest in infrastructure and research, 
	but when facing insufficient demand, they should tackle the spending problem 
	quickly and directly. Still, getting money into the pockets of the 
	people sounds more like fiscal policy (the business of Congress) than 
	monetary policy (the business of the Fed). But monetary policy means 
	managing the money supply, and that is the point of a dividend. The antidote 
	to deflation – a shrinking supply of money – is to add more. The Fed tried 
	adding money to bank balance sheets through its quantitative easing program, 
	but the result was simply to drive up the profits of the 1%. The alternative 
	that hasn’t yet been tried is to bypass the profit-siphoning 1% and get the 
	money directly to the consumers who create consumer demand.  There is another reason for handing the job to 
	the Fed. Congress has been eviscerated by a political system that keeps 
	legislators in open battle, deadlocked in inaction. The Fed, however, is 
	“independent.” At least, it is independent of government. It marches to the 
	drum of Wall Street, but it does not need to ask permission from voters or 
	legislators before it acts. It is basically a dictatorship. The Fed did not 
	ask permission before it advanced $85 billion to
	buy an 80% equity stake in 
	an insurance company (AIG), or issued over $24 trillion in 
	very-low-interest credit to bail out the banks, or issued trillions of 
	dollars in those glorified “open market operations” called quantitative 
	easing. As noted in an opinion piece in the Atlantic titled “How 
	Dare the Fed Buy AIG”: It's probable that they don't actually have the 
	legal right to do anything like this.  Their authority is this:  
	who's going to stop them?  No one wants to take on responsibility for 
	this mess themselves.
 There is a third reason for handing the job to 
	the Fed. It is actually in the interest of the banks – the Fed’s real 
	constituency – to issue a national dividend to the laboring masses. Interest 
	and fees cannot be squeezed from people who are bankrupt. Creditor and 
	debtor are in a symbiotic relationship. Like parasites and cancers, compound 
	interest grows exponentially, doubling and doubling again until the host is 
	consumed; and we are now at the end stage of that cycle. To keep the host 
	alive, the creditors must restock their food source. Dropping money on Main 
	Street is thus not only the Fed’s last bullet but is a critical play for 
	keeping the game going. ________________ Ellen Brown is an attorney, founder of the Public 
	Banking Institute, and author of twelve books, including the 
	best-selling Web of Debt. In The 
	Public Bank Solution, her latest book, she explores successful public 
	banking models historically and globally. Her 200+ blog articles are at EllenBrown.com. 
 
 
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