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        Britain's Real Promise to Israel:  
		“Symbolic” Vote on Palestine  
		By Ramzy Baroud     
		Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, October 27, 2014 
		 The text of the letter was short and precise, leaving no room for 
		any misinterpretation in the “promise” made by Britain’s Foreign 
		Secretary, Arthur James Balfour to a powerful representative of the 
		Jewish community in Britain, Lord Rothschild on a fateful day of 2 
		November 1917.    “I have much pleasure in conveying to you, on 
		behalf of His Majesty's Government, the following declaration of 
		sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspirations which has been submitted to, 
		and approved by, the Cabinet: His Majesty's Government view with favour 
		the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish 
		people.”    The spirit of that declaration altered the very 
		destiny of the Palestinian people until this day. Thirty years after 
		Balfour gave away Palestine - which was neither his to give, nor has it 
		fallen under the control of the British Empire as of yet - a United 
		Nations Partition Plan, as articulated in Resolution 181, divided 
		Mandatory Palestine between Zionist Jews and Palestinian Arabs. Soon, 
		Israel became a state, and the Palestinian people were denied every 
		claim on their own land. In 1967, Israel moved in to occupy the rest of 
		historic Palestine. The British promise, became an unending Palestinian 
		nightmare.   This is precisely why there can be no discussing of 
		the recent British House of Commons’ vote of Monday, 13 October, on a 
		Palestinian state without digging deeper into history. Regardless of the 
		meaning of the non-binding motion, the parliamentary action cannot be 
		brushed off as just another would-be country to recognise Palestine, as 
		was the Swedish government decision on 3 October, for example.    
		Unlike Sweden, and most of the 130 plus countries to affectively 
		recognise Palestine, Britain is a party in the Middle East’s most 
		protracted conflict. If it were not for Britain, there would be no 
		conflict, or even Israel, of which to speak.    The historic vote 
		passed after a fascinating debate which signals a shift in the way 
		Israel is perceived, not just by the British public – a decided shift 
		has already been registered on that front for years – but also within 
		the British ruling political classes. True, nearly half of the MPs were 
		absent or abstained, but the outcome was undeniably clear. Only 12 MPs 
		voted against, and 272 in favour. After intense pressure and endless 
		lobbying, this is all the support Israel could muster among one of its 
		strongest allies.    Non-binding, of course, but still the vote 
		matters. It matters because the British government remains a member of 
		the ever-shrinking club of Israel’s staunch supporters. Because the 
		Israeli arsenal is rife with British armaments. Because the British 
		government, despite strong protestation of its people, still behaves 
		towards Israel as if the latter is a law-abiding state with a flawless 
		human rights records. It matters despite the dubious language of the 
		motion, linking the recognition of Palestine alongside Israel, to 
		“securing a negotiated two-state solution.”    But there can be no 
		two states in a land that is already inhabited by two nations, who, 
		despite the grossness of the occupation, are in fact interconnected 
		geographically, demographically and in other ways as well. Israel has 
		created irreversible realities in Palestine, and the respected MPs of 
		the British parliament should know this.    The MPs votes were 
		motivated by different rationale and reasons. Some voted “yes” because 
		they have been long-time supporters of Palestinians; others are simply 
		fed up with Israel’s behaviour. But if the vote largely reflected an 
		attempt to breathe more life in the obsolete “two-state solution” to a 
		conflict created by the British themselves, then, the terrible British 
		legacy in will continue unabated.    Moreover, what is the use of 
		a statehood that seems to grow symbolically with no change in the 
		reality on the ground whatever to ensure its materialization? The list 
		of “symbolic” Palestinian victories continues to grow almost at the same 
		rapid speed in which the Palestinian landscape continues to shrivel.  
		  And what is a state with no rights, neither for those who live 
		within what is supposedly designated as future territories of that 
		state, or the millions who live in what was once Palestine, now ‘Israel 
		proper. As for the millions of Palestinian refugees, who continue to 
		suffer the dire consequences of the Nakba (catastrophe of 1948), and 
		every regional crisis since then, neither the British vote, nor all the 
		other recognitions seem to remedy their terrible fate in anyway.   
		Needless to say, Britain’s moral responsibility towards the Palestinians 
		can hardly be addressed in so inapt a gesture, especially as it arrived 
		nearly one hundred years after the original meddling of Balfour and ‘His 
		Majesty’s Government.’   It is inexplicable that one century after 
		the British involvement in Palestine, the current British foreign policy 
		is not far removed from the language and policies executed by the 
		British Empire when Balfour gave Palestine away. In one of his letters 
		at the time, Balfour so conceitedly wrote:    “For in Palestine we 
		do not propose even to go through the form of consulting the wishes of 
		the present inhabitants of the country … The four great powers are 
		committed to Zionism, and Zionism, be it right or wrong, good or bad, is 
		rooted in age-long tradition, in present needs, in future hopes of far 
		profounder import than the desire and prejudices of the 700,000 Arabs 
		who now inhabit that ancient land. In my opinion that is right.”   
		Sure, British diplomacy is presently much more savvy to use such 
		abhorrent language, but has the policies been fundamentally altered 
		reflect a measurable shift?    Encouraged by the overwhelming 
		recent vote in favour of Palestine at the parliament one can hardly deny 
		the signs that both the British public and many in the country’s 
		political establishment are simply disenchanted by Israel’s continued 
		war and occupation which are the main reason behind the destabilisation 
		of the region long before the Syria civil war and other upheavals began. 
		Many British MPs are furious over Israel’s violent, expansionist and 
		anti-peace conduct, including those who were once strong allies of 
		Israel. That must not be denied.    But it is hardly enough. When 
		the British government insists on maintaining its pro-Israeli policies, 
		and when the general attitude of those who truly hold the reins of power 
		in London remain committed to a farce vision of two-states, defending 
		Israel and disempowering Palestinians at every turn, the Balfour vision 
		of old will remain the real guidelines for British policy regarding 
		Palestine.    66 years after ending its “mandate” in Palestine, 
		Britain remains a party in a bloody conflict where Israel is still 
		carrying out the same policies of colonial expansion, using western - 
		including British - funds, arms and political support. Only when Britain 
		fully and completely ends its support of Israel and financing of its 
		occupation, and works diligently and actively towards correcting the 
		injustice it had imposed on the Palestinians a century ago, one could 
		consider that a real change in British policies is finally taking hold.
		   - Ramzy Baroud is a PhD scholar in People's History at the 
		University of Exeter. He is the Managing Editor of Middle East Eye. 
		Baroud is an internationally-syndicated columnist, a media consultant, 
		an author and the founder of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is 
		My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story (Pluto Press, 
		London).   
		*** 
		
		 
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