Al-Jazeerah History  
	 
	
	
	Archives  
	 
	
	
	
	
	Mission & Name   
	 
	
	
	
	
	Conflict Terminology   
	 
	
	Editorials  
	 
	
	
	
	
	
	Gaza Holocaust   
	 
	
	
	Gulf War   
	 
	
	Isdood  
	 
	
	
	Islam   
	 
	
	
	News   
	 
	
	
	News Photos 
	  
	 
	
	
	Opinion  
	
	
	Editorials 
	  
	 
	
	
	
	
	US Foreign Policy (Dr. El-Najjar's Articles)   
	 
	
	
	www.aljazeerah.info
	  
      
       
      
        
        
     | 
     | 
    
     
      Reporting the Middle East:  
	Please Go Back to the Streets  
	By Ramzy Baroud 
	 Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, June 6, 2014 
	   Irrespective of how one feels about the direction taken by 
	various Arab revolutions in the last three years, a few facts remain 
	incontestable. Arab revolts began in the streets of poor, despairing Arab 
	cities, and Arabs had every right to rebel considering the dismal state of 
	affairs in which they live.    Few disagree with these two notions. 
	However, the quarrel, in part, is concerned with the cost-benefit analysis 
	of some of these revolutions, Syria being the prime example. Is it worth 
	destroying a country, several times over and victimizing millions to achieve 
	an uncertain democratic future?    The cost for Egypt was high as 
	well, although not as high in comparison to Syria. The conundrum that 
	Egyptians have been forced to contend with is that of ‘stability’ - based on 
	the same old paradigm of powerful elites and a majority fighting for crumbs 
	to survive on – vs. ‘instability’ within a relatively democratic system. 
	  Although one must insist on appreciating the uniqueness of every 
	collective Arab experience, one can hardly deny the parallels that began to 
	emerge over the course of months and years.    Part of the similarity 
	between the various Arab experiences is inherit in the common historical, 
	religious, cultural and linguistic rapports that continue to unite millions 
	of Arabs, even if at an emotional level. The other part is concerned with 
	the comparable strategies applied by Arab governments to control their 
	peoples – the psychological manipulation, the fear mongering, the intense 
	degrees of violence and oppression, the readiness to go to any length to 
	ensure total control, and so on. The last three years offer more such 
	examples than what earlier decades have as a whole. The so-called Arab 
	Spring has morphed into a model of state violence unequalled in modern Arab 
	history.    While for journalists and reporters, the story is 
	perplexing and too involved to explain with any degree of intellectual 
	integrity, future historians are likely to have less difficulty deciphering 
	the seemingly befuddling events. Some of us wrote with a measure of clarity 
	from the revolutions’ very early days, warning of the possibility of mixing 
	up the complex narratives from Tunisia and Morocco to Yemen and Bahrain. We 
	contended that if the ‘Arab Spring’ were to be a triumph of any kind, it 
	would mean that it brought back the ‘people’ factor to the Middle East’s 
	political equation, which has been continually dominated by two competing, 
	and at times harmonious parties: the local, ruling elites and regional and 
	international foreign powers.    True, the ‘people’ were finally back 
	as an integral part of that equation, but that alone is just not enough to 
	guarantee that the wheel of history would start turning into the desired 
	direction, based on a preferred speed. It simply meant that the future 
	nature of conflicts in the Middle East and North African region would be 
	more multifarious than ever.    From a historical point of view, the 
	current conflict in the Middle East – the devastating war in Syria, the 
	utter chaos and recurring coups in Libya, the push and pull involving the 
	military in Egypt and the state of bedlam in Yemen, etc. – are not in the 
	least unanticipated outcomes of an unprecedented historical conversion in a 
	region associated with hopeless stagnation.    But historians have the 
	leverage of time. They can sit in their recluse offices and reflect on 
	substantial phenomena, compare and contrast as they please and only regard 
	their conclusions as serious when time attests to their academic 
	realizations.    Reporters on the ground and media commentators hardly 
	have such leverage. They are forced to react instantaneously to developing 
	events, and quickly draw conclusions. Considering the lack of depth and 
	understanding of the Middle East that many western reporters had to begin 
	with – their interests in the region were mostly augmented and surrounded by 
	US-western intervention in Iraq and elsewhere – reporting on the ‘Arab 
	Spring’ was greatly lacking, if not at times outright embarrassing.    
	True, many reporters agreed that it all began when a despairing Tunisian 
	street vendor, Mohamed Bouazizi, lit himself on fire on December 17, 2010. 
	That could in fact be the start of an intelligent discussion if it were 
	coupled with an authentic understanding of Arab culture, language, history 
	and political dynamics unique to every society. Unfortunately, there was 
	little of that.    When then-Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben 
	Ali decided to step down on January 14, 2011, soon to be followed by Hosni 
	Mubarak of Egypt, the reporting moved from the street back to the same tired 
	circle of self-serving political elites, western-funded NGOs, 
	English-speaking social-media buffs and their likes. What could have been an 
	equal revolution in the media’s understanding of the Middle East became a 
	failed attempt at understanding what Arab people in the street truly aspire 
	to achieve. If a regular Fatima or Mostafa does not speak English or tweet 
	all-day long because they are busy surviving and all, they won’t receive 
	funds from some EU-affiliated financier to sustain their NGO; then they are 
	forgotten about and of no consequence to the story.    But the problem 
	is a regular Fatima and a Mostafa stand at the heart of the story. The 
	failure to respond to their pleas, understand their language, value or their 
	aspirations is not their problem, but ours, in the media. It might have been 
	too inconvenient for some to chase Fatima and Mostafa’s story because doing 
	so can be dangerous, because they are not reachable by phone or because 
	their social-media presence is too dismal. It might be out of sheer 
	laziness, or complete ignorance of what matters and what doesn’t. It might 
	also be that Fatima and Mostafa’s story doesn’t fit nicely into the 
	fictitious discourse that we knitted on behalf of the media organizations 
	for which we work. Fatima might be Shia, or Sunni and Mostafa might be 
	Christian or anti-intervention, and that too can be too inconvenient to 
	report.   Now that sham democratic elections are bringing dictators 
	back to power, and that sanctioned intellectual elites of Arab countries 
	have been proven to be no more than lackeys to existing regimes, it is time 
	to go back to the streets, this time with true understanding of language,  
	culture and people.    Unlike Mohamed Bouazizi, the Fatimas and 
	Mostafas of the Middle East should not have to set themselves ablaze to 
	become worthy of a news report. Their constant struggle and resistance is a 
	story that must be told. In fact, it is the only story that should have 
	mattered in the first place.    - Ramzy Baroud is a PhD scholar in 
	People’s History at the University of Exeter. He is Managing Editor of 
	Middle East Eye. He is an internationally-syndicated columnist, a media 
	consultant, an author and the founder of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest 
	book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story (Pluto Press, 
	London).   
       
       
       | 
     | 
     
      
      
      
      
     |