Mission & Name
US Foreign Policy (Dr. El-Najjar's Articles)
Rapprochement with US Reinforces Iran Hand in
By Nicola Nasser
Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, October 7, 2013
Iran seems successful in turning the Iraqi “strategic” agreement
with the US into a tactical one, while it is succeeding in turning its own
tactical accords with Iraq into a strategic bondage of the country.
The burgeoning US-Iran rapprochement will only reinforce this trend to
reinforce Iran hand in Iraq.
Therefore, none seems more jubilant
than Iraq by the latest indications of rapprochement between the United
States and Iran and none seems more on alert to see it through to success.
Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, in a statement issued by his office on
September 29 “hailed” what he described as “a great breakthrough” and a
“victory” in the US-Iran relations, said he was “very optimistic” and
pledged, according to Xinhua “that Iraq is ready to play a role to push
forward the positive development” between the very two countries, which have
been the “enemies” of Iraq and its war adversaries for decades now and which
most Iraqis hold responsible and accountable for their current miseries.
Al-Maliki’s Foreign Minister, Hoshyar Zebari, in an interview with The
Associated Press in New York the next day, revealed that Iraq played a
“helpful role” in the development; moreover it aspires to “serve as a bridge
of communication and understanding between the two,” he said.
Zebari was trying to take a credit that the editorial of the Iranian Bahar
daily on last August 23 attributed to the Omani Sultan Qaboos bin Said’s
visit to Tehran earlier that month and to the “role Oman has played” in the
past between Iran and the West.
Zebari even seemed so keen to
convince the US administration to take “the leadership” of President Hassan
Rohani, who was elected in June, and his Iranian government “more seriously”
because “they are serious” and “not playing games,” contrary of course to
the negative reactions of the US Israeli and Arab GCC allies.
Writing in the British Financial Times on last September 27, Geoff Dyer and
Najmeh Bozorgmehr expected the US – Iran rapprochement to “be one of the
biggest geopolitical shifts since the cold war.”
The US – led
military invasion of Iraq in 2003 pragmatically but counterproductively made
the best use of the Iranian vengeance, which was in the waiting for whatever
window of opportunity might open to revenge the ceasefire in the eight –
year Iran – Iraq war, which the late leader and founder of the Islamic
Republic of Iran (IRI), Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, lamented as “gulping
the cup of poison.”
In hindsight, it is very clear now that Iran
similarly made its best to violate the ceasefire with Iraq and facilitate
the US war on Iraq as a continuation of the Iranian war by proxy; while
American soldiers were dying by the thousands and Washington was depleting
its budget by billions of tax-payer money spent on its war on Iraq, Iran was
reaping the US harvest there quietly but persistently.
When the last
of the US troops withdrew from Iraq late in 2011, they left behind in
Baghdad a US – engineered “peace process” led by the same US – nurtured
Iraqi “opposition” whom the US invading troops installed in power eight
years earlier, ignoring the fact that this was the same “opposition”
nurtured by Iran for a longer period all throughout the more than three
decades of late Saddam Hussein rule, who never severed their loyalty to Iran
during the US occupation of Iraq.
The real loyalty of the Iraqi
rulers to either the US or Iran was blurred until the Syrian conflict made
it impossible for them to continue publicly undecided.
Until recently, Iraq under PM al-Maliki was posturing as tactically
placating Iran on Syria while committing quietly to its Strategic Framework
Agreement (SFA), which al-Maliki signed with the former US president George
W. Bush on December 14. 2008.
Al-Maliki’s government was on record
in its support of a political negotiated settlement of the Syrian conflict
and against any military solution thereto as well as in its opposition to
“foreign intervention” in Syria, US strike whether “limited” or unlimited
against it, arming Syrian rebels or facilitating their mission with
logistics, Arab League’s suspension of its membership, imposing unilateral
Arab, US and EU sanctions on the country, and Arab League’s and US president
Barak Obama’s calls for Syrian president Bashar al-Assad to “step down,”
thus allying itself with the Russia, China and Iran.
president of the US Iran Policy Committee, writing in The Hill on last
September 20, labeled the “The Baghdad regime” a “naysayer” and “evildoer”
ally of the US and wondered “of what value is one of the largest U.S.
embassies in the world if American diplomats cannot persuade the Iraqi
regime” to commit to its SFA accord.
Nonetheless, the US seems
On last September 14 Ramesh Sepehrrad noted in a UPI
report that, “More often than not, Washington hesitates to hold Baghdad
accountable” for its Syria stance.
Early enough however, President
Obama provided an explanation: The difference between the U.S. and Iraqi
responses to the Syrian conflict were simply "tactical disagreements," Obama
said on December 12, 2011, quoted by CBS News, adding he had “absolutely no
doubt” that the Iraqi “naysaying” was “not based on considerations of what
Iran would like to see.” The US president, like his predecessor Bush, trusts
al-Maliki, but if he did not he could nonetheless count on the bilateral
strategic SFA to rein him in.
Before the US-Russian latest deal on
the Syrian chemical weapons arsenal, Washington, pursuant to the SFA, asked
Baghdad to monitor the Iraqi airspace throughout the duration of the planned
US strikes on Syria, to prevent Iran from using it, an Iraqi military source
told al-Arab London-based daily on last September 10.
As recently as
last August 15, al-Maliki’s Foreign Affairs Minister, Hoshyar Zebari,
co-chaired with his American counterpart, John Kerry, the meeting in
Washington, D.C. of the Political and Diplomatic Joint Coordination
Committee (JCC), which was established as a result of the SFA. They agreed
to convene the next JCC in Baghdad.
In the joint statement issued
after the meeting, “Both delegations emphasized their commitment to close
and ongoing security cooperation, noting in this regard the Memorandum of
Understanding on security cooperation signed at the Defense and Security JCC
in December 2012, the inaugural U.S.-Iraq Joint Military Committee (JMC)
hosted by U.S. Central Command in June 2013.”
However, this US
strategic confidence is almost daily contested in Iraq.
Defense Minister Saadoun al-Dulaimi was in Tehran on last September 26
signing with his Iranian counterpart Brigadier General Hussein Dehqan a
bilateral defense agreement, which the Iranian Rear Admiral Ali Shamkhani
said Iran was ready “to expand … at the strategic level in all fields,
according to www.tasnimnews.com on
the same day.
The previous day, Sarah Bertin, a researcher at the
American Foreign Policy Council in Washington, D.C., wrote, commenting on
al-Dulaimi’s visit: “Iraq is once again drifting into Iran's orbit.”
A few days later the Fars news agency reported that the Islamic Revolution
Guards Corps (IRGC) commander of Navy forces Ali Fadavi and his Iraqi
counterpart Ali Hussein Ali signed a MoU on naval cooperation agreement.
Last October, the then Iranian Minister of Defense Brigadier General
Ahmad Vahidi and al-Dulaimi signed a document of bilateral cooperation in
the defense field.
The bilateral agreement on drilling cooperation
signed in Ahwaz at the end of last month was the tip of an iceberg of more
than one hundred multi-faceted accords, including gas, oil, energy and
pipelines agreements worth billions of dollars, which Iraq signed with Iran
under the umbrella of the US occupation since 2003 and the umbrella of the
US-Iraq SFA after the withdrawal of the US troops from the country.
Turning Tactical Ties into Strategy
The quantity of the bilateral
Iraq - Iraql accords has rapidly turned into a relationship of strategic
quality, cemented by the pro-Iran parties and factions governing in Baghdad,
surrounded by a belt of a Shiite sectarian affiliation to the Persian
eastern neighbor and guarded by their sectarian militias, which have so far
aborted the evolution of a national army and central government by excluding
other Muslim sects from the failing “peace process” and alienating them to
create and justify their sectarian antithesis led by al-Qaeida.
obvious reasons, the Iranians don’t talk publicly about what they are up to
in Iraq,” but “it is clear that Iran has the ability to wield considerable
influence in Iraq today,” Kenneth M. Pollack, a senior fellow in the Saban
Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution, wrote last June
According to an article presented by Tehran Bureau, the U.S.
Institute of Peace (USIP), and the Woodrow Wilson International Center for
Scholars and published late in November last year, “Iran does not have an
interest in Iraq pumping additional oil. It does not want Iraq to have a
close relationship with the United States, the Arab states or with Turkey.
Iran also does not want Iraq to develop a significant defensive military
capability. Ideally, Iran would like to have Iraq under its thumb, yet
retain its independence and sovereignty.”
Nonetheless, the US seems
ambivalent. Pollack has the following interpretation: “Although both
Washington and Tehran claim to oppose the other, what Iraqis have seen— at
least since 2010, but arguably longer— has been the Americans and the
Iranians pushing in the same directions: in favor of (PM al-) Maliki against
any and all opposition, and against renewed violence. It’s no wonder that
many Iraqis believe that either the U.S. does not understand its own
interests, or else we are selling them out to the Iranians in return for
something that they cannot fathom.”
To all indications, Iran and US,
whether in competition or cooperation, will continue for a long period to
come to compromise the sovereignty and independence of Iraq, but “One has to
always remember that throughout Iraq’s recent existence, it has been a very
nationalistic country” and will not succumb to a status of a client state
either to the United States or to Iran, in view of the Washington-based,
Tony Cordesman, an analyst at the Center for Strategic and International
Studies (CSIS), quoted by Al – Arabiya satellite TV station on July 25 last
* Nicola Nasser is a veteran Arab journalist based in Birzeit, West
Bank of the Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories.