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      Palestinians Do Have Options for Change and 
	Resistance 
  By Mazin Qumsiyeh 
      Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, October 7, 2013 
	  On November 28, 1947, the CIA predicted accurately the meaning 
	of Truman's push to partition Palestine: "Armed hostilities between Jews and 
	Arabs will break out if the UN General Assembly accepts the plan to 
	partition Palestine ... the resulting conflict will seriously disturb the 
	social, economic, and political stability of the Arab world, and US 
	commercial and strategic interests will be dangerously jeopardized ... The 
	poverty, unrest, and hopelessness upon which Communist propaganda thrives 
	will increase throughout the Arab world."
  It has been 20 years since 
	the Oslo process and we can engage in a postmortem analysis of the dozens of 
	failed initiatives and plans for "peace," or pacification.
  Some would 
	tell us our choices are or were limited. Ten years ago, our departed friend 
	Professor Edward Said wrote: "Who is now asking the existential questions 
	about our future as a people? The task cannot be left to a cacophony of 
	religious fanatics and submissive, fatalistic sheep ... We are that close to 
	a kind of upheaval that will leave very little standing and perilously 
	little left even to record, except for the last injunction that begs for 
	extinction. Hasn't the time come for us collectively to demand and formulate 
	a genuinely Arab alternative to the wreckage about to engulf our world?" 
	 Today, seven million of the 12 million Palestinians around the world are 
	refugees or displaced people. There are some 5.8 million Israeli Jews and 
	nearly 6 million Palestinians who live under the rule of the apartheid 
	Israeli state. Half the Jews who live in Palestine/Israel are immigrants.
	
  Israel stole most of the land and now controls some 93 percent of 
	the land of Palestine (before the British invasion and the Balfour 
	Declaration, native and Zionist Jews collectively owned only 2 percent of 
	Palestine). 
  It is tempting for some people to lose faith in the 
	possibility of liberation and justice after 132 years since the first 
	Zionist colony and 65 years after the 1948 Nakba.
  There was a phrase 
	in the 1960s civil rights struggle, "free your mind and your ass will 
	follow." Surely when we free our minds we will see there are many options, 
	despite the attempt of our oppressors to convince us that our options are 
	gone, save for surrendering or issuing empty slogans.
  Surely, we as a 
	people can and do chart a path forward.
  What are our options outside 
	of sloganism or defeatism? That is to say, outside of current policies of 
	endless talk or endless negotiations while weak?
  The other options 
	are not magical nor new; many have already articulated them in clear visions 
	in countless studies. 
  Why not revive the original charter of PLO to 
	liberate all of Palestine? Why not democratize the PLO to really represent 
	the 12 million Palestinians around the world? Why not refuse to suppress 
	resistance and instead engage in massive popular resistance throughout 
	historic Palestine? 
  Why not engage in resistance in areas outside of 
	Palestine? Why not target Zionist companies and interests world wide by 
	economic boycotts and even sabotage? Why not expose and confront the network 
	of Zionist lobbyists that support war crimes and support Zionist control? 
	Why not engage in educational campaigns and media campaigns and lobbying 
	around the world? 
  Why not build alliances with powerful states that 
	could provide protection or support, like China, Russia or Brazil? Why not 
	promote boycotts, divestment, and sanctions? Why not work through 
	international agencies including the International Court of Justice to bring 
	Israeli war criminals to justice and challenge membership of Israel in the 
	UN and all its agencies? Why not do all the above and even more?
  
	Politicians are reluctant to consider change because they believe they are 
	important. To justify their inaction and lack of backbone, they even lie. 
	 But people can and do force politicians to change. Regardless of how 
	they got into power or the nature of governing systems, leaders cannot 
	afford to ignore strong people demands. But if the people are complacent and 
	ignorant, this is the best scenario for status quo politicians. 
  We 
	saw changing policies in the Ottoman Empire from support of Zionism to 
	rejection. We saw changes in British policies in response to the Palestinian 
	revolution of 1936 and continuing pressures even recently when the British 
	parliament voted against attacking Syria on behest of Israel. 
  And we 
	saw the power of resistance in 1987-1991 in challenging both the complacency 
	of leaders in Tel Aviv and Tunisia. Surely we can also learn lessons from 
	the limitations of military might whether in Vietnam in the 1960s or in Iraq 
	in 2003, or Lebanon in 2006, or Gaza in 2008. 
  More recently we can 
	see dramatic shifts and retreats in issues dealing with Syria and Iran. 
	History is dynamic and not static nor is it to the liking of status quo 
	politicians.
  The original Zionist project was for control of the area 
	between the Euphrates and the Nile. Here we are 130 years later and even the 
	area between the Jordan and the Mediterranean is roughly at parity between 
	Jewish Israelis and Palestinians. When Balfour declaration was issued in 
	1917, there were 650,000 Palestinians in Palestine; today there are nearly 6 
	million.
  Surely this is not a hopeless scenario. After denying our 
	existence, the Palestinian flag now flies around Palestine even inside the 
	Green line. Surely this should not be at the expense of Palestinian flags on 
	security uniforms preventing Palestinians from engaging in resistance or as 
	backdrops with Israeli and American flags in endless negotiations.
  
	Martin Luther King, Jr posed the question: "Cowardice asks the question - is 
	it safe? Expediency asks the question - is it politic? Vanity asks the 
	question - is it popular? But conscience asks the question - is it right? 
	And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, 
	nor politic, nor popular; but one must take it because it is right."
  
	The author is a professor at Bethlehem University. He previously served on 
	the faculties of the University of Tennessee, Duke and Yale.
  The 
	views expressed in this article are the author's and do not necessarily 
	reflect Ma'an News Agency's editorial policy.
  
       
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