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      Can a Jewish Zionist, Like Indyk, Be an Honest 
	Broker Between Israelis and Palestinians? 
  By Uri Avnery 
	Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, July 29, 2013 
	  
	 The Turkey Under the Table   When you have a conflict between 
	two parties, the way to solve it is clear: you put them in the same room, 
	let them thrash out their differences and emerge with a reasonable solution 
	acceptable to both.   For example, a conflict between a wolf and a 
	lamb. Put them in the same room, let them thrash out their differences and 
	emerge with…   Just a moment. The wolf emerges. Now where's that 
	lamb?    If you have a conflict between two parties who are like a 
	wolf and a lamb, you must have a third party in the room, just to make sure 
	that Party 1 does not have Party 2 for dinner while the talks are going on. 
	  The balance of power between Israel and the Palestinian Authority is 
	like that between a wolf and a lamb. In almost every respect – economic, 
	military, political - Israel has a vast advantage.   This is a fact of 
	life. It is up to the Third Party to balance this somehow.   Can it be 
	done? Will it be done?    I have always liked
	John Kerry. He radiates an 
	air of honesty, sincerity, that seems real. His dogged efforts command 
	respect. The announcement this week that he has at long last achieved even 
	the first stage of talks between the parties can give some room for 
	optimism.   As Mao said: A march of a thousand miles begins with a 
	single step.    The parties have agreed to a meeting of delegates to 
	work out the preliminary details. It should take place this coming week in 
	Washington. So far so good.   The first question is: who will be the 
	third person? It has been leaked that the leading candidate for this 
	delicate task is Martin Indyk, 
	a veteran former State Department officer.    This is a problematic 
	choice. Indyk is Jewish and very much 
	involved in Jewish and Zionist activity. He was born in 
	England and grew up in Australia. He served twice as US ambassador to 
	Israel.   Right-wing Israelis object to him because he is active in 
	left-wing Israeli institutions. He is a member of the board of the New 
	Israel Fund, which gives financial support to moderate Israeli peace 
	organizations and is demonized by the extreme rightists around Binyamin 
	Netanyahu.    Palestinians may well ask whether among the 300 million 
	US citizens there is not a single non-Jew who can manage this job. For many 
	years now it has been the case that almost 
	all American officials dealing with the Israeli-Arab problem have 
	been Jews. And almost all of them later went on to be 
	officials in Zionist think-tanks and other organizations.   If the US 
	had been called upon to referee negotiations between, say, Egypt and 
	Ethiopia, would they have appointed an Ethiopian-American?     
	  I have met Indyk several times, generally at diplomatic receptions (not 
	US embassy receptions, to which I was not invited.) Once I sent him a letter 
	connected with his name.   The story about Indyk is well known to 
	anyone versed in Jewish folklore. It was told by a very influential Jewish 
	rabbi, Nachman of Braslaw (1772-1811), who has many followers even today in 
	Israel.    Once upon a time there was this prince who suffered under 
	the delusion that he was an Indyk (turkey 
	in Yiddish – from the Hebrew for Indian hen. He was sitting 
	naked under a table and eating only crumbs thrown to him.   After all 
	the doctors failed to cure him, a wise rabbi undertook the task. He stripped 
	off his clothes, sat naked under the table and started acting like an Indyk 
	too. Step by step he convinced the prince that an indyk may wear clothes, 
	eat regular food and, in the end, sit at the table instead of under it. That 
	way the prince was cured.   Some might say that this story has a 
	direct bearing on his future job, if he is indeed chosen. Two naked Indyks 
	are now under the table, and his job will be to get them to sit at the table 
	and talk seriously about peace.    True, the Palestinians are used to 
	having crumbs thrown to them, but they may now demand some real food.     
	The chances for any peace negotiations may be assessed by the atmosphere 
	prevailing on both sides, the terminology they use and the internal 
	discussions they conduct.   These are not very inspiring.   In 
	Israel almost nobody uses the word “peace”. Even Tzipi Livni, who will be in 
	charge of the negotiations on our side, talks only about a “final-status 
	agreement” that would “put an end to the conflict”, not put an end to the 
	occupation”.   Most Israelis ignore the event altogether, believing 
	that Netanyahu's and Mahmoud Abbas' sole aim is to abort the negotiations in 
	such a way as to put the onus on the other side. Most Palestinians believe 
	the same. Peace is definitely not in the air.   However, a poll 
	conducted this week showed that a large majority of Israelis – 55 to 25 (or, 
	to percentualize it, 69 to 31) - would vote in a referendum for a peace 
	agreement achieved by the Prime Minister. I have never had any doubt about 
	this.   The idea of holding a referendum about a peace agreement is 
	now being advocated by the Right and resisted by the Left. I am in favor. 
	Without a solid majority, it would in any case be almost impossible for any 
	government to remove settlements. And I believe that any concrete agreement 
	accepted by a credible Palestinian leadership and recommended by the US will 
	receive a resounding “Yes” in a referendum.    Most of the experts say 
	that Israel should not strive for an endgame agreement, but for a more 
	modest “interim” agreement. They cite the old Jewish adage: “He who wants to 
	catch too much catches nothing.”   I beg to disagree..    First, 
	there is the saying that you cannot cross an abyss in two jumps. No stopping 
	in the middle. We quoted this saying to Yitzhak Rabin after Oslo.   
	The fatal flaw of the Oslo agreement was that it was all interim. The final 
	aim was not stated. For the Palestinians it was clear that the aim was the 
	setting up of the State of Palestine in all the occupied territories, 
	including East Jerusalem. For the Israeli side, this was not clear at all. 
	Absent an agreement on that, every interim step became a point of 
	contention. If you want to go by train from Paris to Berlin, the 
	intermediate stations are different from the ones on the way to Madrid.   
	Oslo gave up its poor soul somewhere along the way with the endless 
	wrangling about the “safe passage” between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, 
	the “third withdrawal” and such.   The only way to proceed is first of 
	all to reach an agreement on the “core issues”. This can be implemented over 
	some time – though I would not recommend that either.   
	Israeli-Palestinian peace is a huge step in the history of the two peoples. 
	If we have the courage to do it, let’s do it, for God’s sake, without lying 
	down  along the way and crying.    At the moment, the great 
	riddle is: what has Kerry promised each side in secret?   The method 
	seems sound. Since the two sides could not agree on anything, and each 
	demanded that the other start negotiations “without pre-conditions” while 
	posing a lot of pre-conditions themselves, Kerry chose a different way.   
	It is based on a simple logic: in the 
	American-Israeli-Palestinian triangle, almost all decisions 
	will have to be made two-to-one. In practice, each side needs American 
	support to get its demands accepted.   So, instead of trying to 
	achieve the impossible – Israeli-Palestinian agreement on the basis of the 
	negotiations - America gave each side a promise to support it on certain 
	points.    For example, at a guess: a promise that the US will support 
	the Palestinians on the border issue. The border will be based on the Green 
	Line with reasonable land swaps. Also, on freezing settlements while the 
	negotiations go on. On the other hand, the US will support Israel on the 
	definition of Israel as a “Jewish” state and on the (non-)return of 
	Palestinian refugees.    In the past, the US has broken such promises 
	without blushing. For example, before the Camp David meeting, President Bill 
	Clinton gave Yasser Arafat a solid promise that he would blame neither side 
	for a failure. (Since the meeting was convened without the slightest 
	preparation, failure was predictable.)  After the conference,
	Clinton put the blame squarely – and 
	wrongly - on Arafat, a vile act of political opportunism, designed to help 
	his wife get elected in New York.   In spite of such 
	experiences, Abbas put his trust in Kerry. It seems that Kerry has the gift 
	of inspiring such trust. Let’s hope he does not squander it.   So, 
	with or without a turkey to keep the wolf from devouring the lamb, and in 
	spite of all the past disappointments, let’s hope that this time real 
	negotiations get going and lead towards peace. The alternative is too dismal 
	to contemplate.   
       
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