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"War Criminals" Leak Strikes at Heart of
Israeli Society
By Paul Larudee
Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, November 22, 2010
When unknown elements in Israel leaked the name, rank,
identification number and other information about two hundred Israeli
military personnel who reportedly participated in the 2008-2009 invasion
of Gaza, the effect was sudden and profound, according to sources in
Israel. Although the first site on which it appeared was taken
down by the host, it has continued to circulate via email, and has
appeared on at least one other site,
http://s242816488.onlinehome.us/criminals/\t_blank. The
Israeli military and other Israeli agencies are reportedly doing all they
can to shut down every site on which it appears, and to prevent it from
"going viral." At least one popular blog that links to the site has
received a record number of death threats. What is so special
about the list? As several critics have pointed out, it doesn't even
state the crimes that the listed individuals are alleged to have
committed. The root of the problem, according to the sources in
Israel, is a poorly kept secret - namely, that it is hard to serve in the
Israeli military without committing war crimes, because such crimes are a
matter of policy. What Israeli soldier has not ordered a Palestinian
civilian to open the door to a building that might house armed militants
or be booby-trapped? Who has not denied access to ambulances or
otherwise prevented a Palestinian from getting to medical care, education,
or employment? Some, of course, have gone much farther, and
deliberately targeted unarmed civilians (as in the "buffer zones" along
the border of the Gaza Strip), tortured detainees, and have either ordered
or participated in massive death, injury and destruction at one time or
another. These acts have all been heavily documented by numerous
credible agencies, such as the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights,
Amnesty International, the Goldstone Commission, Human Rights Watch, and
B'tselem. What has been missing in large measure is
accountability. To be sure, isolated victories have been won,
usually with great effort. Within Israel, token trials and
punishment, such as the conviction of the shooter of British human rights
volunteer Tom Hurndall, continue to provide a thin cloak of respectability
to the Israeli justice system. Beyond Israel's control, however,
senior Israeli officials have been forced to avoid travel to an increasing
number of countries for fear of law enforcement action.
Nevertheless, ordinary Israelis had not yet been made to feel directly
subject to such pressures. The publication of the list of two
hundred changes everything. The list contains the names of a few
high-ranking officers, but many of those named are in the lower ranks, all
the way down to sergeant. The effect is to make ordinary Israelis
concerned that they, too, may be subject to arrest abroad, and without the
protection that well-connected higher officials might enjoy. They
know what they have done, or been ordered to do, or have ordered others to
do, and they suspect that they may be held accountable by foreign laws,
over which their government has little control. Many Israelis
already fear that an anti-Semitic world is looking for an excuse to shut
down the Zionist experiment. It is therefore not a great leap to
believe that they could become pawns or scapegoats in the rising
chorus of voices speaking out for Palestinian rights and against Israeli
abuses. Coupled with this is the Israeli addiction to vacationing
abroad, which is a national obsession and almost a right, in the mind of
many. The result is that suddenly, with the release of the
list of 200, the prospect of being held accountable outside Israel is no
longer an abstraction, to be dealt with at the level of diplomats,
government policy and the news stories. It hits home. This
has serious consequences for Israeli society. It potentially
increases the number of youth who will try to avoid the military, the
rates of emigration and immigration, and other patterns of commitment to
Israel and its military. Most of all, according to the sources, it
may cause soldiers to begin to question policy and orders far more than in
the past, because of the way it may affect them personally. The
debate is already taking place around the question, Can I be held
responsible? The answer to that question could potentially
determine whether it will be possible to mount a massive offensive against
a population that has no effective military forces, as in Gaza, or where
saturation bombing, cluster munitions and depleted uranium might be used,
as in Lebanon. This is potentially a daunting prospect for
Israeli military commanders, and some sources in Israel believe that the
publication of the 200 has already had that effect. More likely,
however, it is premature to make such a call. It seems
unlikely that Israel will succeed in putting the genie back in the bottle
with regard to the list of 200. It is already leaping from one place
to another in cyberspace, via website and email (although Israel seems to
have been temporarily successful in banning it from Facebook).
However, will it generate further research and release of information on
the potential offenses committed by the named individuals, and will it
lead to further publication of such lists? According to the
sources in Israel, the military and perhaps other agencies have gone into
high gear to track down the source of the leaks. This is a
typical Israeli response to the problem. Instead of asking why some
groups or individuals in Israeli society are willing to take great risks
to hold that society accountable for its actions, Israel prefers to blame
the problem on treacherous, self-hating, anti-Semitic Jews, and to instill
fear and hatred as the means for preventing Israelis from examining their
consciences. Paul Larudee is co-founder of the
Free Gaza and Free Palestine Movements and an organizer in the
International Solidarity Movement.
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