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	Nuclear Offer to Apartheid Regime Blows Diplomatic Cover 
        
	
        By Jonathan Cook 
	Redress, May 31, 2010 
	
  Israel faces unprecedented pressure to abandon its official 
	policy of “ambiguity” on its possession of nuclear weapons as the 
	international community meets at the United Nations in New York this week to 
	consider banning such arsenals from the Middle East.   Israel’s 
	equivocal stance on its atomic status was shattered by reports on Monday 
	that it offered to sell nuclear-armed Jericho missiles to South Africa’s 
	apartheid regime back in 1975.   The revelations are deeply 
	embarrassing to Israel given its long-standing opposition to signing the 
	Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, arguing instead that it is a “responsible 
	power” that would never misuse nuclear weapons technologies if it acquired 
	them.   Reports of Israel’s nuclear dealings with apartheid South 
	Africa will also energise a draft proposal from Egypt to the UN 
	non-proliferation review conference that Israel – as the only nuclear power 
	in the region – be required to sign the treaty.   Israeli officials 
	are already said to be discomfited by Washington’s decision earlier this 
	month to agree a statement with other UN Security Council members calling 
	for the establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear arms. 
	"Israeli officials are ... discomfited by Washington’s decision ... to agree 
	a statement with other UN Security Council members calling for the 
	establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear arms. " The policy is 
	chiefly aimed at Iran, which is believed by the US and Israel to be secretly 
	developing a nuclear bomb, but would also risk ensnaring Israel. The US has 
	supported Israel’s ambiguity policy since the late 1960s.   Oversight 
	of Israel’s programme is also due to be debated at a meeting of the UN’s 
	nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, in Vienna next 
	month.   The administration of US President Barack Obama is reported 
	to have held high-level discussions with Israel at the weekend to persuade 
	it to consent to proposals for a 2012 conference to outlaw weapons of mass 
	destruction in the Middle East.   As pressure mounts on Israel, local 
	analysts have been debating the benefits of maintaining the ambiguity 
	policy, with most warning that an erosion of the principle would lead 
	inexorably to Israel being forced to dismantle its arsenal.   Echoing 
	the Israeli security consensus, Yossi Melman, a military intelligence 
	correspondent for the Haaretz newspaper, also cautioned that declaring 
	Israel’s nuclear status “would play into Iran's hands” by focusing attention 
	on Tel Aviv rather than Tehran.   Israel refused to sign the 1970 
	Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, having developed its first warhead a few 
	years earlier with help from Britain and France.   Tom Segev, an 
	Israeli historian, reported that Israel briefly considered showing its 
	nuclear hand in 1967 when Shimon Peres, Israel’s current president, proposed 
	publicly conducting a nuclear test to prevent the impending Six-Day War. 
	However, the test was overruled by Levi Eshkol, the prime minister of the 
	time. "Israel refused to sign the 1970 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, 
	having developed its first warhead a few years earlier with help from 
	Britain and France." Mr Peres, who master-minded the nuclear programme, 
	later formulated the policy of ambiguity, in which Israel asserts only that 
	it will “not be the first to introduce nuclear weapons to the Middle East”. 
	  That stance – and a promise not to conduct nuclear tests – was accepted 
	by the US administration of Richard Nixon in 1969.   According to 
	analysts, the agreement between Israel and the US was driven in part by 
	concerns that Washington would not be able to give Israel foreign aid – 
	today worth billions of dollars – if Israel declared itself a nuclear state 
	but refused international supervision.   Nonetheless, revelations over 
	the years have made it increasingly difficult for the international 
	community to turn a blind eye to Israel’s arsenal.   Mordechai Vanunu, 
	a technician at the Dimona nuclear energy plant in the Negev, provided 
	photographic evidence and detailed descriptions of the country’s weapons 
	programme in 1986. Today the Israeli arsenal is estimated at more than 200 
	warheads.   In 2006 Ehud Olmert, then the prime minister, let slip 
	Israel’s nuclear status during an interview with German TV when he listed 
	“America, France, Israel and Russia” as countries with nuclear arms.   
	Even more damaging confirmation was
	
	provided this week by Britain’s Guardian newspaper, which published 
	documents unearthed for a new book – The Unspoken Alliance by Sasha 
	Polakow-Suransky, an American historian – on relations between Israel and 
	South Africa’s apartheid regime. "...top-secret papers reveal that in 
	1975 Mr Peres, then Israel’s defence minister, met with his South African 
	counterpart, P.W. Botha, to discuss selling the regime nuclear-armed 
	missiles... Pretoria later developed its own bomb, almost certainly with 
	Israel’s help." The
	
	top-secret papers reveal that in 1975 Mr Peres, then Israel’s defence 
	minister, met with his South African counterpart, P.W. Botha, to discuss 
	selling the regime nuclear-armed missiles. The deal fell through partly 
	because South Africa could not afford the weapons. Pretoria later developed 
	its own bomb, almost certainly with Israel’s help.   Israel, Mr 
	Polakow-Suransky said, had fought to prevent declassification of the 
	documents.   Despite publication by the Guardian of a photographed 
	agreement bearing the date and the signatures of both Mr Peres and Mr Botha, 
	Mr Peres’s office issued a statement on Monday [24 May] denying the report. 
	  Israel’s increasingly transparent nuclear status is seen as an obstacle 
	to US efforts both to impose sanctions on Iran and to damp down a wider 
	potential nuclear arms race in the Middle East.   This month the US 
	surprised officials in Tel Aviv by failing to keep Israel’s nuclear 
	programme off the agenda of the IAEA’s next meeting, on 7 June. The issue 
	has only ever been discussed twice before, in 1988 and 1991.   Aware 
	of the growing pressure of Israel to come clean, Binyamin Netanyahu, the 
	Israeli prime minister, declined an invitation to attend a nuclear security 
	conference in Washington last month at which participants had threatened to 
	question Israel about its arms.   At the meeting, US President Barack 
	Obama called on all countries, including Israel, to sign the 
	Non-Proliferation Treaty.   A draft declaration being considered at 
	the UN review conference later this week again demands that Israel – and two 
	other states known to have nuclear weapons, India and Pakistan – sign the 
	treaty.   Egypt has proposed that the 189 states that have signed the 
	treaty, including the US, pledge not to transfer nuclear equipment, 
	information, material or professional help to Israel until it does so.   
	Reuven Pedatzur, an Israeli defence analyst, warned recently in Haaretz that 
	there was a danger the Egyptian proposal might be adopted by the US, or that 
	it might be used as a stick to browbeat a recalcitrant Israel into accepting 
	greater limitations on its arsenal. He suggested ending what he called the 
	“ridiculous fiction” of the ambiguity policy.   Emily Landau, an arms 
	control expert at Tel Aviv University, however, said that those who believed 
	Israel should be more transparent were “misguided”. Ending ambiguity, she 
	said, would eventually lead to calls for Israel’s “total and complete 
	disarmament”.   The last Non-Proliferation Treaty review conference, 
	five years ago, failed when the US repudiated pledges to disarm and refused 
	to pressure Israel over its nuclear programme. Jonathan Cook is a writer 
	and journalist based in Nazareth, Israel. His latest books are “Israel and 
	the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle 
	East” (Pluto Press) and “Disappearing Palestine: Israel's Experiments in 
	Human Despair” (Zed Books). His website is 
	www.jkcook.net.   A version of this article originally appeared in
	The National, published in Abu 
	Dhabi. The version on this website is published by permission of Jonathan 
	Cook. 
        
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