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The relevance of the truth about WMD in Iraq
Khatoun Haidar
The Daily Star, 6/27/03
Iraq’s possession of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) was the major
justification cited by the US and Britain for going to war. Two months
after the fall of Baghdad, such weapons have yet to be found. On June 5,
the majority of the UN Security Council members, including Britain, called
on the US to allow weapons inspectors to return to Iraq to certify whether
it possessed WMD before the US-led invasion.
This comes at a time when the Bush administration is facing charges in
Congress that it may have exaggerated the threat posed by Iraq. On the
other side of the Atlantic, more than 70 representatives of Blair’s own
party signed a petition demanding the disclosure of the evidence that
justified the Iraqi war. The truth may become public knowledge today,
tomorrow or in 50 years, but the way this issue is perceived around the
world is both enlightening and indicative of a deep divide.
In the Arab world, apart from some intellectual circles, the preponderance
of the evidence is not an issue. It does not give rise to debate. The
judgement on the issue was rendered long ago and I heard it best expressed
by an old Lebanese villager: “The strong eat the weak; this is the law
of nature. What is strange is why do they (the Americans) feel the need to
lie to justify their actions?”
For this man, as for most Arabs, the reason behind the war is common sense
US self-interest. This is met with sadness and a sense of fatality. In
this part of the world, using lies to justify one’s actions is a grave
transgression on the social level, but it is acceptable when used as a
political tool.
After all, nondemocratic regimes have the luxury to declare and promise
without fear of accountability. The overwhelming feeling is not
indignation; it is a feeling of injustice and double standard, again well
summarized when the same old man wondered: “Why do the Israelis have the
right to own WMD while the Arabs don’t!”
The debate over WMD in Iraq is equally passionate on both sides of the
Atlantic, yet the semblance does not carry further. In continental Europe,
the issue is viewed as the manipulation of the century. In Britain, the
conservative opposition leader accused Blair of “equivocating” and
argued that “the whole credibility of his government rests on clearing
up these charges,” while on the labour side, Malcolm Savidge called the
issue “potentially more serious than Watergate.”
The charges seem to have struck a deep chord in Britain. The press
coverage is quite hostile and the popular sentiment is sobering, with
polls suggesting that a majority of British feel misled on the weapons
issue. The US polls indicate a different story: The majority of Americans
still approve the Iraqi campaign even if the WMD that were the major
pretext for the war are never found. It is true that in the political
arena, some Democrats are questioning whether the administration
exaggerated the urgency of an Iraqi threat but it is done timidly and
behind closed doors; the main concern is the quality of US intelligence
before the war. This is a far cry from the uproar and impeachment charges
faced by Bill Clinton during his presidency for lying on a private matter
that does not affect national security.
The divide in these reactions reflects a difference in values. The US and
Europe are representative democracies and follow the open market economic
model, but their social and political evolution diverged some time ago and
moreso since the Bush presidency and Sept. 11, 2001.
Americans, despite their might, feel vulnerable and rally unconditionally
behind their commander in chief. Objectivity and accountability are
sacrificed on the altar of “patriotism.” For the time being, they have
accepted social inequalities and huge budget allocations to defense.
Europeans are shy about their nationalism, and do not accept political
statements and positions at face value. It is very difficult to imagine
Europeans ready to sacrifice their social welfare cushion in favor of the
increased military spending necessary for Europe to meet its diplomatic
ambitions.
The schism with the Arab world is much more significant. Given the
unrepresentative nature of governments in this part of the world, the idea
of citizenship is not deeply rooted within the culture. People are
disenfranchised. Given that they have no say in the choice of their
leaders, the concept of accountability is irrelevant.
The debate over WMD in Iraq might take new turns in the West. But in the
Arab world, apart from the interest of using it as a new proof of Western
dubiousness, it comes at the lower echelons of the Arab individual’s
ladder of priorities.
Khatoun Haidar, a Lebanese journalist, contributed this commentary to
The Daily Star
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| Earth, a planet
hungry for peace |
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| The Israeli
apartheid (security) wall around Palestinian population centers
(Ran Cohen, pmc, 5/24/03). |
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| The Israeli
apartheid (security) wall around Palestinian population centers in
the West Bank (Ran Cohen, pmc, 5/24/03). |
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