| HISTORY IS already remembering a handful of Israeli
prime ministers as well-intending peace-makers.
Former Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, although affiliated
with terrorism in his early years, then with bloody wars in later
years, was made a peace-maker when he struck a deal with former
Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, virtually ending hostilities between
the two countries, while sidelining the Palestinian question
altogether.
Israeli Prime Minister, Yitzhak Rabin, another Israeli Nobel
Peace Prize recipient, signed the Oslo agreements of 1993.
Interestingly, both Israelis and Palestinians see this as an
infamous document. Rabin's own violent history was almost completely
scrapped the moment he signed his name, endorsing the agreement on
the White House lawn.
Ehud Barak, also relatively young and still vibrant, was spared
by history from any blame. After all, the retired general and former
prime minister's name shall also be synonymous to the term
“generous offer,” allegedly offered to Palestinian President
Yasser Arafat at Camp David in July 2000. Although Barak's offer
largely failed to address the important topics regarded by
Palestinians as fundamental, he remains a “peace-maker.”
The signing of a document resolves nothing for Palestinians;
their own reading of history taught them that much.
On the one hand, Begin's association with the ethnic cleansing of
over a million Palestinians and a list of bloody massacres, from
Palestine to Lebanon, were greater witnesses to Begin's true merit
than the signing at Camp David. The late 1970s agreement, like Oslo
and Camp David 2, satisfied little of the Palestinians' long-held
aspirations for freedom, the right of return and a sovereign
homeland.
Rabin is also remembered by thousands of Palestinian men and by
their families. The former Israeli defence minister was the one who
initiated the “broken bones” policy during the first Palestinian
uprising, which started in 1987. Such a legacy was overlooked after
his signing of the Oslo accords and following his assassination by
an Israeli terrorist. But the cheers that followed the historic
signing of Oslo on the White House lawn could never be loud enough
to cover the screams of thousands of men and children whose hands
and legs were broken because the Israeli economy couldn't handle
their uprising and quest for freedom.
There is history, and there is Palestinian history. The first
refers to how Israel or pro-Israeli pundits wish to see history
written, joined by the collective efforts of the media. The second
refers to how Palestinians choose to remember their own plight and
those who contributed to their misery.
Palestinians are not selective in their memory, as it may seem,
and are indeed forgiving. After all, the day Oslo was signed,
Palestinians marched in every town, village and refugee camp. In
Gaza, they carried olive branches and handed them to Israeli
soldiers, while the soldiers were in the process of subjecting the
Palestinians to a brutal occupation.
History can be of great value if depicted accurately. Such
remembrance is due now more than at any time in the past, for
Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has uttered a word which some
have already described as “historic”. Sharon referred to the
Israeli occupation of the occupied Palestinian territories as
“occupation”, during the debate that preceded the approval of
the roadmap peace initiative, late May. For a right-wing extremist,
we are told, such a word was taboo, and might signal a fundamental
shift in the Israeli government's policies towards the Palestinians.
I still cannot see clearly how Sharon's admission will change the
political discourse governing the Middle East's most durable
conflict. What seems clear to me, however, is the fact that Israeli
leaders, whether “peace-makers” or “right wing extremists”,
have excelled in manipulating certain terminology to fit their own
political agenda. But without associating any tangible meaning, this
terminology becomes irrelevant.
Various Israeli leaders spoke openly about a Palestinian state,
while actively slicing up the potential state into Bantustans,
separated by fortified settlements and barbed wire. Israeli
officials are actively using the term “peace”, but considering
the number of Palestinians and Israelis killed demonstrates the lack
of substance to such an assertion.
Sharon's first day in office was one when he spoke of a
Palestinian state, but if we recall these statements, such a state
fails to include more than 42 per cent of the West Bank and Gaza, it
is a state crowded with illegal Jewish settlements, bypass roads,
Israeli military zones, without its refugees, without Jerusalem and
without real territorial integrity.
Chances are that Sharon's words were simply a political manoeuvre,
rather than a genuine change of heart. By uttering the word
“occupation,” Sharon might have enlisted himself in the category
of “peace-makers.”
On the “historic” day when Sharon used the word
“occupation,” Israeli tanks attacked the West Bank town of
Tulkarem and killed a Palestinian boy. Two children were also
wounded in the Israeli attack, one 7 and the other 9. Sharon's word
made no difference to the families of the children killed and
wounded, and most likely to millions of Palestinians who still
regard him as a violent leader who holds no respect for their
long-denied rights.
Looking back at their experiences with Begin, Rabin, Barak and
Sharon himself, Palestinians already know: expressions of peace that
are soaked in blood just don't count.
The writer is the editor-in-chief of the Palestine Chronicle,
and the editor of the anthology `Searching Jenin: Eyewitness
Accounts of the Israeli Invasion'. He contributed this article to
The Jordan Times.
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