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Blair has an ocean to cross before healing the Atlantic rift

Mustapha Karkouti

Gulf News, 29-07-2003 

 

This is the time for the United States and European Union to compromise in order to heal the Atlantic rift created by the division over the Iraq war. Britain stands in the forefront to lead movements towards this goal. Europe looks ready to compromise. Having recently listened to a group of local politicians and academics in France, it seems the EU is eagerly looking forward to "some kind of initiatives" they believe British Prime Minister Tony Blair should take in this direction.

Europeans clearly realise that without the United Kingdom leading the way to heal the much-damaged relations with the U.S., which, in their view, the British government's actions over Iraq helped create, no progress can be made. All talk of any compromise across the Atlantic must be preceded by an agreement among the EU countries on a united foreign policy towards the U.S., as well as the many issues which Washington is bogged down with.

It is a basic fact when the pivotal states in any given region, be it the Arab world or Europe, are in disagreement over foreign or regional issues, there will always be divisions.

In Europe, when the large states like Germany, Britain and France disagree on policies, there will always be divisions. This was clearly and dangerously demonstrated over the issue of Iraq in the United Nations in February and March.

When the UK government wholeheartedly supported the unilateralism of U.S. foreign policy and actively participated in what the other Europeans consider to be "America's war", Europe was divided. Blair vehemently defended his position and even risked splitting the EU irreparably, right down the middle. A lot of damage has already been done to the structural coherence of the newly-born European foreign policy.

There is always the danger that the hawks in Washington would content themselves with what they call "the coalition of the willing": UK, Italy, Spain and a host of smaller countries due to join the EU in 2004. Those hawks might see Blair and his Italian counterpart, Silvio Berlusconi, who has recently visited U.S. President George W Bush at his ranch in Texas, as the real spokesmen for the EU. These represent only one side of the debate in Europe.

Many others who opposed the war in Iraq without UN backing, such as President Jacques Chirac of France and Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder of Germany, speak for many others.

The so-called neoconservatives within the Bush administration, who have been influencing U.S. foreign policy since early 2002, believe that America's military and economic might quite sufficient. Driven by this self-admiration, Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld declared just days before the war on Iraq was launched that the U.S. could win the war without British participation.

Now, after three months of Bush's declaration that the major military operations in Iraq were over, many Europeans believe the U.S. cannot deal with a number of global problems, particularly security and the fight against terrorism, without the help of alliances and international organisations.

As a priority, the U.S. is facing a big problem in Iraq. Not only the huge cost of the occupation but the reluctance of other nations to provide troops, are pushing the administration to rethink its policy. This is a point which the UN Secretary General's special representative, Sergio Vieira de Mello, highlighted in his first report to the Security Council last week on post-war Iraq. He said faster progress "requires help from the wider international community".

Can we take these developments as indications of a possible healing of relations between the EU and the U.S.? Perhaps. There are some tentative, but interesting signs that transatlantic divisions are narrowing.

Difficulties in Iraq have weakened the hawks' grip over U.S. foreign policy. The state department seems to be running, as it should, foreign affairs, be it in North Korea, Iran (where the U.S. is encouraging now the role of the International Atomic Energy Agency) or the Middle East, as Bush himself has taken an active role in the roadmap.

Until last May, the Bush administration seemed disengaged from the Middle East peace process.

And until last month, Washington hawks were calling for regime change in Iran.

This author has learned that a joint U.S.-Israeli "defence report" of why it was necessary to attack Iran, was laid on the Vice President Dick Cheny's desk last April. On their part, the Europeans have started to show the U.S. they could become more effective and willing partners.

In June, the EU adopted its first common security strategy which attracted praise from Washington. The EU's tough position on Iran's nuclear issue delighted the Americans. Germany has declared it would even consider sending troops to Iraq to help.

In his speech during his hero's reception at the U.S. Congress, Blair delivered an important message. "American must listen as well as lead," he said. He also talked of America needing to build its partnership with Europe "on persuasion, not command."

His underlying message was clearly restating his belief that the transatlantic alliance is still the foundation stone of global stability. German foreign minister, Joschka Fischer, stated last week that he sees transatlantic relations as "a corner stone of freedom and stability in the 21st century".

Tony Blair, as the one foreign politician the U.S. administration is inclined to listen to, has to make the first move and mend his relations with the European leaders before the healing process with the U.S. begins.

The writer is the former president, Foreign Press Association in London. He can be contacted at mkarkouti@gulfnews.com


 

 
Earth, a planet hungry for peace

 

The Israeli apartheid (security) wall around Palestinian population centers (Ran Cohen, pmc, 5/24/03).
The Israeli apartheid (security) wall around Palestinian population centers in the West Bank (Ran Cohen, pmc, 5/24/03).

 

 

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