Though he carried a vote for war by a ratio of two to one, Prime
Minister Tony Blair suffered a moral defeat in the British Parliament on
Wednesday, when over 120 of his own MPs disobeyed party managers and voted
against their leader’s policies.
Yet Blair’s hold on the coattails of President George W. Bush does
not seem to be relaxing. The White House remains bent on war and British
forces are going to be fighting alongside the Americans, regardless of the
serious doubts of many British legislators and the wider British public,
over a million of whom turned out recently in what was the country’s
largest ever peace time demonstration.
Blair is taking a substantial political risk. Insiders privately
acknowledge that many of his Labour Party colleagues only supported the war
vote on the understanding that there would have to be a further UN
Security Council resolution authorizing the use of force against
Saddam’s regime. If such assurance were given in the hours of
arm-twisting to which Labour legislators were subjected in advance of the
vote, they would appear to be in conflict with the British government’s
assertions that, legally, there are already grounds for an attack.
There remains an outside chance that the British are playing a clever,
if dangerous, game. Having persuaded Bush to seek a second Security
Council vote, Blair may be hoping that failure to achieve this will
obviate the need for war.
He may be further calculating that Saddam will at the last minute cave
in to UN inspectors and produce a full inventory of his arsenal of weapons
of mass destruction. Evidence for this analysis comes from foreign
minister Jack Straw’s mantra that history has shown credible threats of
force to be the only way to make Saddam Hussein meet his international
obligations. In that calculation he could be seriously wrong.
There are two further factors which will undermine any such cunning
British diplomacy. The first is the possibility that Iraq really does not
have any more banned weaponry. The resistance that the UN inspectors are
encountering is informed chiefly by the determination of a sovereign
country to preserve its dignity.
The second factor could be more overwhelming. It is that a US-led
invasion of Iraq will be unfinished Bush family business. Bush wants
Saddam’s head on a plate and not even the diplomatic concerns of his
only real ally, Tony Blair, are going to deflect him. The British leader
is about to climb on the back of a tiger.
The only thing he has going for him is that the Conservative opposition
is backing his warmongering. Were his own party to fall apart if war goes
ahead without UN Security Council backing, he may be hoping that because
the Conservative leader Ian Duncan Smith has endorsed the war, his
government may be able to survive.
It is significant, however, that veteran Conservative politician
Kenneth Clarke broke rank with his party and voted against war. Clarke,
who has already made two bids for his party’s leadership, would be
strongly placed to take over from the unpopular Duncan Smith.
Under his leadership, the Conservatives could be set to sweep away the
ruins of a divided Labour and oust a Blair government humbled by the chaos
following a war.