A year ago, the proposals for a second Gulf War seemed very much the
brainchild of the American right. The intellectual arguments backing the
conflict emerged almost entirely from hard-right US think tanks and
senators. But then, a funny thing happened: A significant portion of the
dissident left began to come out, in dribs and drabs, for overthrowing
Saddam by force. There is now a considerable school of British center-left
thinkers and commentators who are lobbying hard for war, so that the Iraqi
people can be freed: Christopher Hitchens, Nick Cohen, John Lloyd, Julie
Burchill, Roger Alton and David Aaronovitch.
On the surface, there seem to be few similarities between these
lefties-for-the-war. Lloyd, senior reporter on the Financial Times and
contributing editor at the New Statesman, for example, is a fierce
defender of the Blair government, while Cohen detests New Labour. Yet,
below the surface, there is an intriguing commonality: Almost all of them
are former communists.
John Lloyd, who was a member of the Communist Party and considered
himself a Marxist until his early thirties, identifies a strand of Marxism
that seems to have echoes in the pro-war arguments being made today. He
explains: “It’s that side of Marx that argues that imperialism was
good for India, and industrialization good for the working class. It’s
the side of Marx that disliked soft liberals and said that if you’re
going to make the world better, you have to go through a number of
necessary evils.” Although Lloyd was never what he calls a
“break-any-amount-of-eggs-to-make-an-omelet communist”, there is a
similar acceptance on the pro-war left of necessary violence and the
creation of victims, which “soft liberals” blanch at.
Many journalists on the British conservative right — such as Matthew
Parris of The Times and Stuart Reid of The Spectator — are skeptical of
the war precisely because they see it as an overly optimistic
Enlightenment project inimical to conservative values. Reid is dismissive
of the “neo-conservatives who are really 19th-century liberals”, who
want to promote democracy abroad; they are concerned that many of the most
vigorous exponents of the war (including US pro-Bush neo-conservatives
such as David Horowitz) are former communists. As a recent article in The
American Conservative magazine pointed out, the new liberal
interventionism could be characterized as Marxist revolution drained of
the communism. It still retains the (to conservatives) wildly
over-optimistic view that the world can be constructively rebuilt using a
firm body of Enlightenment values.
The pro-war left insists that power — even American hyper-power —
can be used for constructive purposes. Lloyd says that “when I ceased to
be a communist and therefore ditched an essentially undemocratic
philosophy, I adopted democracy as a new faith with the real fervor of the
convert. We (center-left ex-communists) believe passionately in democracy
because we’ve reasoned ourselves toward it, so we are perhaps more
prepared to support wars that establish or defend it.
“We are articulating the democrats’ case for war. Our belief is
that the revolution that has really lasted is the democratic revolution
emerging from France and the US in the 18th century. We believe that
liberal democracy still holds out a promise to all societies — all our
political values are based on this — so we must support those who are
fighting for it within their own societies, like in Iraq.”
Another common strand among pro-war lefties is disillusionment with the
contemporary mainstream left, and especially the anti-war movement.