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A US-UK track record that speaks for itself

The Daily Star, 2/25/03

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One of the hallmarks of Anglo-American diplomacy and militarism in the Middle East in recent decades has been the bountiful, often kaleidoscopic, array of explanations and rationales for the intended actions by troops arriving from the West. This was the case in 1990-91 and it is the case again today: Troops are massing to attack Iraq in order to end tyranny, liberate the Iraqi people, stop the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, promote regional democracy, thwart an imminent threat against America, implement UN resolutions, assert the will of the global community, protect Iraqis from their own government’s violence, destroy a safe haven for Al-Qaeda and other terror groups, and a few other variations on these basic themes. This plethora of rationales for attacking Iraq is quantitatively impressive, but qualitatively suspect. There is a very thin line between a multiplicity of valid reasons and their likely underlying imprecision, expediency and confusion.
We can think of many regimes that deserve changing in the world, and many people that deserve liberty. In fact, we hear this call every day, from every corner and home and office in every Arab country, and we’ve heard the call for decades ­ decades during which Anglo-American and other Western and Eastern powers did not return our calls. For the past century ­ give or take two decades ­ the Arab people have seen their fundamental liberties, and sometimes even their very identities, hijacked and locked away by a consecutive series of powerful forces. First the colonial powers, then the overlapping constraints of the Cold War and the Arab-Israeli conflict, and finally the enduring, heavy weight of homegrown Arab power structures virtually decapitated the idea of the rule of law and human rights protections in most Arab lands.
When ordinary Arab men and women asked for simple decencies and grand concepts like freely elected representative government, the consent of the governed, habeas corpus, or term limits, we heard a silence from our Anglo-American and other Western and Eastern friends that was as thunderous as the sound of the 175,000 soldiers’ boots marching toward Baghdad this week. For decades, Arab, Iranian, Turkish and other men and women throughout this region asked for the prevailing powers to invest in the rule of law, only to find that the powers preferred to invest in the instruments of control and security. Therefore one should not be surprised to find nowadays that most ordinary men and women in this region are highly skeptical of the numerous promises and grand designs that we hear coming from official spokesmen and assorted New World Order Model II groupies and hangers-on in Washington and London.
The credibility test for those powers who would use their military power to reorder entire regions and redraw political maps half a world away is simply a track record of promoting the rule of law on the basis of the rich indigenous cultural, human, historical and intellectual resources that prevail in the area in question ­ our area, our homes, our families and our future. That track record does not exist, and therefore local skepticism in the region is, like the Anglo-American promises, bountiful still.


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