October 17, 2002 Opinion Editorials

 

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Leila Khaled — hijacked by destiny
By Timur Moon

Palestinian fighter Leila Khaled sits discreetly in the backroom of an old Palestinian chemist on London’s Edgware Road. In her heyday she hijacked airplanes. Portraits of the 1970s revolutionary swathed in Arabic keffiyeh, clutching a Kalashnikov were as iconic as images of Che Guevara.

In 1969, aged 25 and armed with grenades and handguns, she became the first woman ever to hijack an airliner, diverting a TWA flight to Damascus, where she escaped after securing the release of hostages in exchange for political prisoners, and destroying the plane on the ground.

Leila went on to undergo plastic surgery, and repeat the exercise on a larger scale a year later, when she was involved in a coordinated series of hijack operations culminating in the exploding of three airliners in Jordan, and another in Egypt.

But Leila’s attempt to gain control of an El Al flight in Amsterdam went disastrously wrong. As she and her Nicaraguan accomplice Patrick Arguello attempted to storm the cabin midair, the pilot pulled the throttle, sending the plane into nosedive.

Arguello was shot dead in midair by plainclothes security guards, but Leila escaped alive, spending 28 days in Ealing Jail before she was freed in a deal between British Prime Minister Edward Heath and Egypt’s Col. Gamal Abdel Nasser.

Laying down her arms after the birth of her first son in 1981, she continued the struggle through the Marxist politics of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, while rising to be appointed to the Palestinian National Council.

At 58, she exudes a terse reserve. After a lifetime of struggle, her talk is staunch and incendiary.

We sit smoking cigarettes, as the tape runs.

Leila categorically rejects the charges of terrorism leveled at her, portraying her hijack "operations" as successful bids to attract worldwide attention to the plight of the Palestinians.

"There is a difference between terrorism and armed struggle. The first time I participated in an operation they called me a terrorist. I was young at the time and couldn’t understand. In 1948 we were screaming in agony, but nobody heard us. No one called the Zionist gangs terrorists.

"Today freedom fighters are considered terrorists, and terrorists are considered peacemakers. The capitalists have always created instruments to make people believe their lies. This is globalization, a new invention."

She recounts the story of a student from St. Andrews University in Scotland, who contacted her requesting an interview.

"A young woman called to ask if she could come to Jordan and meet me for help on her research project. I was astonished to hear that the college had set up a department for terrorism studies.

"I told her, ‘You have the wrong address. But I would like to help you, so I will give you the addresses of Sharon, Netanyahu and Bush.’

"We discussed how to change her thesis to differentiate between terrorism and rightful struggle. Palestinians have the right under international law, to struggle by all means, including armed struggle."

She exudes a mordant humor: "I wonder how many universities in the West are setting up such faculties — perhaps I will apply!

"The new generation has such advanced technology. I am familiar only with telephones — and airplanes!"

Leila has no faith in any declared US intention to back Palestinian statehood.

"Bush said it was the US vision to establish a Palestinian state, but we have known this vision for 54 years and it has come to nothing. Israel has refused to implement UN resolutions, and that has been accepted."

And she levels the "terrorist" charge back at her declared enemies. "Do you think we will believe these butchers? Israel’s Apache helicopters and F16s are manufactured in the US. Bush even declared Sharon a man of peace. That is a sick joke. These are our enemies."

She denounces the new precedents in international law — extrajudicial "targeted assassinations," punitive or "enforced deportations" and pre-emptive detentions without charge — now being set by Israel and the US.

"The Israeli government favors the expulsion of the Palestinian people from their occupied homeland," Leila asserts. "Likud and the right-wingers want any Palestinian state to be set up in Jordan. They have legalized enforced deportations. Ex-Tourism Minister Rehavam Zeevi held these views, and we killed him. Avigdor Lieberman, another right-wing extremist, is also calling for a ‘transfer.’"

Aged four, Leila and her parents were forced to flee her hometown of Haifa during the chaos of 1948. Years later, her sister was killed in a botched assassination by Mossad, who mistook her for Leila. And her own group’s responses will come in kind, she says, vowing terrible vengeance.

"We are against assassination, but when it is time to act, we will act, because they have assassinated us constantly for 54 years. Do you expect us to say ‘OK, we accept it’? By violence they have occupied the country, by violence we were driven out, and by violence they have established their state. As long as there is occupation there will be resistance. The Israeli government is violating international law. As long as Sharon, Netanyahu and this gang of war criminals are in control in Tel Aviv, the struggle will escalate. The bloody history of Sharon is wellknown. But his future will be bloody also. Palestinians know how to deal with such bloody people."

Out in the street we hail a taxi to the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies, where Leila is delivering a lecture. We climb in and, as the tape rolls, she recounts details of her hijacks.

"I had my pistol and my hand grenade," she recalls. "My comrade and I had successfully boarded the plane."

The cabby bristles visibly.

"When Patrick was killed it was terrifying. Twelve people sprung up shooting. I felt bad, very bad. I still remember him as an international martyr for freedom. He fought for a just cause."

She attempts to defend the morality of the operation: "We hijacked planes because the whole world was deaf when we were screaming from our tents, and nobody heard our suffering. Until the beginning of the revolution in 1967, Palestinians were only dealt with as people needing humanitarian aid, not as people with a cause. We had to use tactics to attract international attention.

"And afterward, the world asked ‘who are the Palestinians? Why are they doing this? How could a woman do such a thing?’ So it worked, just posing the question."

Leila’s group, the PFLP, has recently backed sending bombers on bloody resistance "operations."

"If someone chooses to explode his body among his enemies, we must ask why?" she says. "We are struggling to live peacefully in our homeland. A poor woman embroidering clothing is part of our struggle. A woman bringing up a child to live in Palestine, suffering at the checkpoints is part of our struggle. A doctor treating the wounded is part of our struggle.

"This has been a gradual massacre. They are killing and killing and killing, detaining people, destroying our homes, carving up the land, cutting down olive groves, besieging the sacred places. Pregnant women are held at checkpoints and refused access to hospitals. Children are prevented from going to school and searched as if they were suicide bombers.

"The Israelis have made life so miserable that the distance between life and death is minimized. People are dying everywhere in Palestine. If this injustice continues, then the bombings will increase."

Despite her participation in hijacks, Leila rejects the charge that she has, however unwittingly, helped inspire the kind of thinking behind the 9/11 suicide hijacks, three decades after her own "operations."

"That was an act of terror and did not serve a humanitarian cause," she says. "What we did was a means of struggle. We said why we were doing the operation. Those who killed themselves and others in New York had no cause.

"We didn’t kill anybody. On the contrary, two of our colleagues were killed. One man was even killed by Israeli security after he was caught by British police."

After 50 years of struggle, her people have little to show for their suffering.

"Where is our security?" Leila demands. "I’m now 58, and since 1944, the year I was born, I have never felt secure, even when I’m surrounded by supporters. My birthday falls on the anniversary of the 1948 Deir Yasin massacre. That is why I could never celebrate. Every month there are events that remind us of the years of bloody occupation."

And she sees little prospect that even their children will live any better. "I am a mother of two. My children have the right to dream, but what hope do they have? They are threatened because they are Palestinian. My child doesn’t have the right to live, let alone continue his studies. I would dearly love to have a university qualification.

"Do you expect my child to accept this life? Do you expect our children to speak of gardens and flowers and sunshine, when they see only Apache helicopters and F16s? I ask Bush and Blair, what do they call these tanks and bulldozers; what do they call these massacres in their language? Do you want us to answer such crimes with roses, or bury our heads?

"We do not glorify death, we are the victims of those who want to prevent us from living. We do not ask for miracles. We are not fighting for death, we are struggling for our dignity. We want to live." (Courtesy: The Friday Times)

 

 


 

 

The Moral Majority in the sewer
By Fawaz Turki, Arab News, 10/7/02

Not that there ought to be a law against monomaniacs who publicly verbalize incendiary views about another people’s faith, or jejune ideas about the One Absolute Truth. After all, McCarthyism is no longer on the books, and one’s constitutional right to free speech, enshrined in the First Amendment, remains sacrosanct in contemporary American life.

But what happens when free speech to some individuals is a chimera in bigotry and a call to violence?

That is a question that should be raised when it comes to Jerry Falwell’s malicious observations about Islam and the Prophet in a recent interview on the popular “60-Minutes” show two Sundays ago. Never mind that Falwell is a mentally dull, dimwitted and naive individual who has not read half-a-dozen decent books in his life. He is leader of a movement, claiming 30 million adherents, that superciliously calls itself the Moral Majority and that carries a lot of clout.

Like those people not too long ago who, before political correctness overtook them, used to speak of the “civilized world,” implying the existence of an uncivilized one out there, members of the Moral Majority self-righteously believe that all other mortals, who do not espouse their views, are by definition immoral.

In the United States there is a law against hate crimes — the infliction of violence on someone purely on the basis of his ethnicity, race or nationality. That’s all well and good. But what of hateful words that incite violence? A society is made up of words, and hateful words contribute to the coarsening of culture and crudeness in social discourse, both of which in turn conduce to violence.

No one is saying here that the Supreme Court should rule against the kind of hatefulness that Falwell manifested on 60-Minutes. Hatefulness, like its sister expression, pornography, is an illusive term to pin down in jurisprudence. But the US Supreme Court Justice Potter Stewart’s famous pronouncement about obscenity in literature and the public debate applies in this case: “I know it when I see it.”

In his 60-Minutes interview, Falwell remarked with serene calm, as fanatics are wont to do, that if you do not see Islam and its Prophet as he does, and you do not see Israel as the fulfillment of biblical prophecy, a sacred credo in fundamentalist Christianity, then you are wickedly sinful, sure to go to hell, and a call will go out to Evangelicals for all hands on deck, to fight you relentlessly, because you are interfering in the “Way of the Lord.”

Fascist rhetoric? Yes, but all true.

Not since the Inquisitorial tribunals of the 13th century, set up to discover, repress and punish heresy, and the time of the Puritan bullies in the 16th, who insisted on a “pure” interpretation of the Bible (hence their name, which was given them in derision) has a Christian movement debased, cheapened and, above all, so mockingly and intolerantly misinterpreted the Christian faith.

You want to know how kooky that interpretation is, then get a transcript of the 60-Minutes segment where Falwell, along with other fundamentalist zealots interviewed on the show, articulate their version of the future world order, what they rapturously call the Armageddon.

Israel is proof that biblical prophecies are coming true, they assert, heralding an apocalypse in which Jews, whom they love desperately but who are now and have always been spiritually blind for not embracing Christianity, will either perish or “accept Jesus” upon his second coming. “The most dramatic evidence for Christ’s imminent return,” Falwell stated, “is the rebirth of the nation of Israel.”

But there’s a catch to the support these folk extend to what they call the “realization of Zion” in the Holy Land. “Evangelist Chuck Missler once told me that Israel gets more support in America from Christian fundamentalists than from ethnic Jews,” wrote Gershom Gorenberg, Israeli author of The End of Days: Fundamentalism and the struggle for the Temple Mount, “yet he has asserted that Auschwitz was ‘just a prelude’ to what will happen to Jews in the approaching Last Days.”

Great friends to have around, no?

The long and short of it is that Falwell would not have made those egregious remarks about Islam, on national television, were it not for the ambience created by President Bush, along with his administration officials and foreign policy intellectuals, who has monotonously called, with condescending hauteur, for “regime change,” “democracy promotion,” “respect for human rights,” and the rest of it, in the Islamic world.

In other words, let’s make “them” more like “us,” in the meanwhile offer these wretches, much in the manner of Britain’s the “white man’s burden” and France’s the “mission civilizatrice,” the gift of Western culture. And if they don’t see reason, then by Jove, let’s send out the Bengal Lancers or the Foreign Legion — in today’s parlance, the Special Forces and the B-52s.

You wonder, though, why this much-touted system of government, that they are anxious to export to us or thrust down our throats, a system seemingly imbued with great reserves of compassion, fairness and equality, never once acted, in the 19th century, as an impediment to bestial oppression of people of color or, in the first half of the 20th, to concentration camps and wanton slaughter.

If you haven’t figured out that in the US the national mood has changed, becoming more responsive to the hate-filled rhetoric of the likes of Jerry Falwell and his ilk, you really need to get out more.

Already, Reinhold Niebuhr’s dainty observation about Americans’ sense of their own global mission is being bandied about: “Tutors of mankind in its pilgrimage to perfection.”

Funny, I don’t feel tutored, do you?

(disinherited@yahoo.com)

 


 

 

Arabs should tip their hats to the Europeans

Abdeljabbar Adwan

The Daily Star, 10/16/02

 

No Arab can fail to be both impressed and startled by the momentum of the process of European unification. Never before have so many countries joined together peacefully on such a scale and with such speed. Most previous attempts at uniting peoples employed warlike means and ultimately failed. Even when great empire-builders, like the Romans or Alexander the Great, sought to complement violence with “soft” methods, such as cultural integration and intermarriage, to unite lands conquered by force, they were unsuccessful. But this European experiment is one that other countries are queuing up to join.
The most inspiring thing about it on a human level is that, unlike the theoretical proposition of Arab unity, it brings together peoples of diverse linguistic and cultural backgrounds who for centuries were pitted against each other. When one considers the horrors and legacy of World War II alone, one must admire the Europeans’ capacity for forgiveness and coexistence.
True, some Eastern European states remain hostile to each other, and some Western European nations continue to experience internal religious or ethnic conflicts. But none of this has impeded the course of European unity. That is to the credit of European policymakers, especially in the rich countries that initiated the process in the 1950s.
Their greatest insight lay in seeing that it would be futile to seek political union while keeping economic disparities. Instead, they opted to bring poorer states up to parity with the richer ones ­ and continued to pump money into them until that was achieved.
But that approach will soon be tested on an unprecedented scale. For there is a big disparity between the 15 European Union (EU) members and the 10 candidates that will start participating in elections to the European Parliament in two years ­ Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Malta and Cyprus.
This struck me during a recent visit to Germany and Poland. This was just after the floods in eastern Germany that caused $15 billion worth of damage ­ to be covered by the taxpayer. Western Germans already feel fleeced by the solidarity taxes and vast sums used to pay for the modernization of the country’s eastern section as part of the last decade’s reunification process. The Germans footed the huge bill themselves, with minimal EU help.
Now there is an impressive ultra-modern new infrastructure of roads, motorways, airports and communications in place in the east. Gone is the drabness and uniformity of the old East Germany. The difference between both halves of the country remains vast, but the east is now very much part of the West, as far as the rest of Eastern Europe is concerned.
In Poland, it is clearly visible where and how billions of euros have been, and still need to be, spent on upgrading infrastructure. And Poland is among the better off of the 10 candidate countries.
The question of where the required funds will come from is now unavoidable, and it underlies an even bigger one: Will the expansion process strengthen the EU or do the opposite?
The European community’s philosophy was always for core members to help each other out by supporting the poorest regions to bring up their living standards. When other countries sought to accede, they had to comply with certain economic conditions, and afterward received aid from the richer nations.
As a result, the Greek countryside was transformed. Portugal crammed decades worth of modernization into the space of a few years. The same happened in outlying regions of Spain, and in southern Italy. Politically troubled Northern Ireland was inundated with economic revival “bribes,” which turned it into one of the richer parts of the European continent.
But those who profited from the EU yesterday must pay tomorrow to help fund the accession of the new members. While this has caused anxiety in some member states, rich countries like Germany seem committed to continuing to pay until the expansion process and the accompanying leveling of living standards have been completed ­ even with the prospect of countries like Russia and Turkey seeking accession later.
This willingness by citizens of the richer countries to subsidize their poorer neighbors, even when they feel they are themselves losing out, for the sake of a common future, is worthy of respect. Imagine if the Arabs, for example, were to apply the same principles, bridging the enormous wealth gap between the oil-rich states and countries like Egypt, Morocco and Sudan. The opportunities created for all would be enormous. And the Arabs share a common language and culture, with none of the bad blood and history of conflict that could have been expected to divide the Europeans.
The European experience can be seen in one respect as a triumph against racism. Racist thinking and ideology was widespread among Europeans in the 1930s and 1940s. In the 1950s and 1960s, Spanish or Italian workers in Germany were subjected to racist treatment. In the 1970s and 1980s, an undercurrent of Western European racism against Slavonic peoples colored the East-West ideological conflict. But today it is hard to detect any serious manifestation of ethnic or cultural prejudice between the peoples of the 15 EU member states. If this process extends further with the accession of new members, it will be further reason to admire the peoples concerned ­ especially when racism is still rife in richer countries like the United States, or ancient ones like India.
Yet the true test of Europe’s ability to rise above prejudice could come when it addresses the issue of Turkey’s EU membership. Turkey has been a candidate for accession since December 1999, but the course that process takes will depend on a number of things, including next month’s Turkish elections and the EU summit in December.
In purely economic terms, Turkey seems better qualified to join than some other aspirants, but it still does not match EU political standards. It is also an Asian as well as a European country. And it is Muslim as well.

Abdeljabbar Adwan is a Palestinian analyst. He wrote this commentary for The Daily Star

 

 


 

WHAT SHARON WANTS


By John Chuckman
YellowTimes.org Columnist (Canada)

(YellowTimes.org) – What was the point of the Israeli army reducing Mr. Arafat's compound to ruins, firing shells that came within the smallest margin of killing him? Everyone outside the hermetically-sealed thought-environment of Israel and Washington recognizes Mr. Arafat is no more responsible for the violence of Hamas 1 than Mr. Bush is responsible for a disturbed gunman now terrorizing America's capital city.

Of course, the question is rhetorical. The reason for the destruction is clear. Mr. Sharon has always exhibited personal animus against Mr. Arafat. He never mentions his name without the rhetorical equivalent of pronouncing a curse. The acts of Hamas 2 gave Mr. Sharon the excuse to humiliate and frighten him, hoping to destroy him as a political force and push him into exile. There cannot be the slightest doubt Sharon would prefer assassinating Arafat, as he has assassinated so many dozens of others opposing him, but even the unthinking Mr. Bush recognizes the immense strategic blunder of doing that.

With Arafat gone, Sharon could start the last thirty-five years over again. That mystical, nebulous mechanism called the "peace process" could start again - decades of stalling and quibbling, ignoring every United Nations' resolution while Israel relentlessly inches eastward, absorbing the homes and farms of others - the search for peace through slow-motion ethnic cleansing.

Not that the creation of settlements has ever stopped while Mr. Sharon destroyed both the Oslo Accords, that landmark diplomatic achievement he always held in contempt, and much of the West Bank and Gaza. It would be just so much easier to continue with an opponent who does not have the ear of the world's statesmen and who has not done everything politically possible to reach a reasonable settlement. It is so much easier to curse Arafat, broadcast his weaknesses, and ignore the fundamental claims he represents.

Mr. Arafat has not been one of the world's shining statesmen. Nor has his administration in Palestine been marked by the most enlightened practices. But he is, unquestionably, dedicated to peace. He does, despite ups and downs, represent some of the most important interests of his people, and he has shown remarkable courage and tenacity; Sharon's efforts to remove him have only showcased these qualities before the entire world.

A lot of people in the United States still do not understand that it has always been the policy of extreme parties like Mr. Sharon's Likud to annex what they call Judaea and Samaria - that is, what is left of Palestine, home to a couple of million Arabic people. Even at the time of the original Camp David Accords, the late Mr. Begin kept muttering those names, Judaea and Samaria, into President Carter's ear.

A reader recently wrote me about a television documentary on Palestine. He mentioned a settler (who, like all the settlers, is a newcomer who has pushed out residents from places they have lived for centuries) being asked about the Palestinians. Her answer was they should all leave and go where they belong.

Go where they belong? According to this belligerent view, they belong on the other side of the Jordan River, or, indeed, anywhere but in their own homes and on their own farms in the West Bank. I can only wonder whether a person holding such views has ever given a moment's thought to the reality of shoving 3.5 million people out of their homes and into small, poor countries that are not remotely-equipped to deal with massive migration?

The largest internal migration in American history, and perhaps the largest in world history not associated with war, was the great black migration of tenant farmers from the rural South to industrial jobs in the North during the mid-twentieth century. It involved about 6.5 million people over several decades. This vast movement of people generated tremendous social difficulties that remain unsettled in the world's richest country, a land that is many, many times the size of any of Israel's Arab neighbors.

So how could anyone reasonably expect such a solution in the Middle East? The answer is that reason has nothing to do with it. Israelis with these views simply want the Arabs gone. If you don't hear echoes of Milosevic, you aren't listening. Until Mr. Bush, this idea had been little advertised or promoted in North America. Now, it has received some publicity, perhaps offered as "trial balloons."

Mr. Rumsfeld - in one of his most regrettably Hitler-like expressions since insisting that Taliban prisoners, after their surrender at Kunduz, should be shot or walled away for good - recently spoke of the spoils belonging to the victor in the Middle East.

That redoubtable American ally, General Dostum, of course, took Rumsfeld at his word about the prisoners. Hundreds of them, after being hideously suffocated, lie in mass graves. One can't help asking whether American generals are now to apply Mr. Rumsfeld's spoils-principle to Iraqi oil fields?

Another Republican moral giant, Mr. Dick Armey - not known for charity towards the less fortunate of any society, even his own - recently chimed in that pushing 3.5 million people out of the West Bank would be acceptable to him. Hell, what's a couple of million Arab lives, right?

And now, the Rev. Jerry Falwell - fundamentalist politico and hate-entrepreneur, a man whose tailored suits are bought with the proceeds of a relentless hate campaign against a former President, a former First Lady - has added his scholarly opinion that the prophet Muhammad himself was a terrorist. One can almost hear the unspoken link, so why would his followers deserve to live in the Holy Land?

These public statements provide an excellent measure of the moral tone set by Mr. Bush's administration. America's long, on-and-off romance with fascism has been stoked back to a warm glow (for background, see my earlier article, "Flirting with Fascism"). A president with any conscience should have loudly condemned these statements. Instead, hate speech is tolerated.

Well, Mr. Sharon is now building a wall, a truly massive undertaking. Authoritarian personalities and movements always seem to like walls. This one will be a grand re-creation of the Berlin Wall, complete with a strip of no-man's land, good portions of it at the expense of Palestinian farmers.

This may be what Sharon had in mind when he made statements months ago, contradicting every act and breath of his adult life, that he supported a Palestinian state. One can only imagine what he had in mind with those words, something surely bordering on the nightmares of the gulag. The wall is likely part of his vision. A rump-state, walled off from all natural connections with its neighbor, with every movement in or out controlled, is certain to fail. It would be a state in a bottle. The idea represents a freshening up of the late General Dayan's thinking when he said, years ago, that the Palestinians would be made so miserable, they would choose to leave.

John Chuckman encourages your comments: jchuckman@YellowTimes.org

YellowTimes.org is an international news and opinion publication. YellowTimes.org encourages its material to be reproduced, reprinted, or broadcast provided that any such reproduction identifies the original source, http://www.YellowTimes.org. Internet web links to http://www.YellowTimes.org are appreciated.

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Editor's notes

1 & 2. Hizbollah was deleted because it is a Lebanese organization that does not operate in Palestine.

3. Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza are about 3.5 millions, not 2 millions as the author mentioned.

 


 

Baghdad, autumn 2002 — city of doom

By Norman Solomon

Jordan Times, 10/16/02 
 

WHEN IRAQI Deputy Prime Minister Tareq Aziz described the box that Washington has meticulously constructed for Iraq, he put it this way: “Doomed if you do, doomed if you don't.”

It would be difficult to argue the point with Aziz, and I didn't try. Instead, during a Sept. 14 meeting here in Baghdad, I joined others in a small American delegation who argued that the ominous dynamics of recent weeks might be reversible if — as a first step — Iraq agreed to allow unrestricted inspections.

Despite Iraq's breakthrough decision, that came two days later, to do just that, I left Baghdad with a scarcely mitigated sense of gloom. While the news from the Iraqi capital has been positive in recent days, the profuse signs of renewed acquiescence to war among top Democrats on Capitol Hill are all the more repulsive.

Boxed in, the Iraqi government opted to accept arms inspectors as its least bad choice. Gauging the odds of averting war, Iraq chose a long shot — appreciably better than no chance at all, but bringing its own risks. Several years ago, Washington used UNSCOM inspectors for espionage totally unrelated to the UN team's authorised mission. This fall, new squads of inspectors poking around the country could furnish valuable data to the United States, heightening the effectiveness of a subsequent military attack.

Aziz, a very analytical man, hardly seemed eager to grasp at weapons inspections as a way to stave off attack. Instead, he told our delegation (which included Rep. Nick Rahall, former Sen. James Abourezk and Conscience International President James Jennings) that a comprehensive “formula” would be needed for a long-term solution.

Presumably the formula would include a US pledge of non-aggression and a lifting of sanctions. No such formula is in sight. Instead, the White House remains determined to inflict a horrendous war. Meanwhile, the Democratic Party's “leadership” in the Senate, pursuing some sort of craven political calculus, is lining up to put vast quantities of blood on its hands.

I would like to take Tom Daschle to visit a 7-year-old girl, suffering from leukaemia, who I saw in a Baghdad hospital during my visit. He might spare a few senatorial moments to look at the IV connected to her wrist, the uncontrolled bleeding from her lips, the anguish in the dark eyes of her mother, seated on a bare mattress. Years of sanctions, championed by moralisers in Washington, have left Iraq without adequate chemotherapy drugs.

Now we're hearing about a resolution that — unless people across the United States mobilise to oppose — will sail through the House and Senate to authorise a massive US military attack on Iraq.

I can hear the raspy and prophetic voice of Sen. Wayne Morse, who voted against the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, roaring 38 years ago: “I don't know why we think, just because we're mighty, that we have the right to try to substitute might for right.”

After leaving Aziz's office, our delegation met with Saadoun Hammadi, speaker of Iraq's National Assembly. “We are now a country facing the threat of war,” he said. “We have to prepare for that.”

Hammadi is an elderly man. While he's now in frail physical health, his mind and articulation remain acute. If the US invaders come, Hammadi said, “the Iraqi people will fight”. As those words settled in the air, the gaunt old man paused and then added: “I will fight.” And for a moment I thought that I could see the dimming of light in his eyes, like embers in a dying fire.

During the current heavy dance of death, the US government leads with every major step. And the sky over Baghdad seems to foreshadow new horrors; unfathomable and avoidable.

With an all-out war on Iraq shadowing the near horizon, what are Americans to do if they want to prevent such carnage from happening in their names with their tax dollars? For one thing, they — we — can speak up. Now. The fact that the odds are dire should spur us into creative action, not anaesthetise us into further passivity. “And henceforth,” Albert Camus wrote, “the only honourable course will be to stake everything on a formidable gamble: that words are more powerful than munitions.”

The writer is executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy (www.accuracy.org ), which sponsored the US delegation to Baghdad in mid-September. He contributed this article to The Jordan Times.

 


 

 

 

 

 


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