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Between Chechnya & Palestine
By Reem Mohammed Al-Faisal, Special to Arab News

Our world is growing increasingly bizarre and grotesque. The surrealism that once pervaded the world of arts has apparently entered the world of reality to influence political leaders and thinkers, journalists and newspapers, mixing reality with myth and truth with falsehood.

In the confusing rush of events all around, we are at a loss to distinguish the oppressor from the oppressed, aggressor from the aggrieved. Colors and shades are intermingled. Judgments are muddled. Thus, a defender of his motherland, honor and property is labeled a terrorist while the thieves who stole the land, destroyed innocent people’s houses and murdered their children are being called victims. Dispossessed and oppressed Palestinians or Chechens are called criminals according to the prevailing international law that passes judgments in favor of the strong, neglecting the basic rights of the weak.

Did anyone ask the dead Chechens in the Moscow theater what drove them to so desperate an act? Can we read the answer in their eyes that will see no more or on their tongues that are now forever mute? Who will tell us the story of Chechen women’s toilsome journeys from their distant hamlets and villages to the heart of Russia and explain to us a plight that made them leave their dear ones and the warmth of their homes and approach their enemy?

People may ask: Did those men and women go crazy with no reason at all? Were the Palestinians and Chechens born with some rare genetic imbalance? Or are they driven to madness by their intolerably oppressive circumstances?

How can we arrive at the truth amidst the maze of falsehoods? How can we distinguish between the oppressor and the oppressed? Let us seek the help of figures because figures do not lie. In the world of facts intertwined with unreality, figures are the only dependable source of information.

How many Palestinians and Chechens were killed and what were the number of Israelis and Russians killed? How many Palestinian and Chechen homes and farms were destroyed and how many Israeli and Russian homes and farms? How many Palestinians or Chechens are being held prisoners in Israeli or Russian jails and what are the numbers of Israeli or Russian hostages being held by Palestinians or Chechens?

The figures show that the dead Chechens at the Moscow theater were not terrorists but ordinary people whose sons were unjustly killed, jailed or tortured and their homes and farms destroyed. They had no option but to leave their land, go to Moscow and cry to the world of the unbridled Russian repression and to protest on the international stage the way they did in order to draw the attention of fair-minded people of the world.

The arrogance of the imperialists and the greed of the colonialists dominated the world during the past two centuries. They left behind their colonies devastated, keeping the people poor and backward. The 21st century will be marked by the revolt of the oppressed. The century will be known for the revolution of the poor. The victims of the past and present centuries will anoint the future of the world with their blood. They will soak the future world in the blood of the oppressors. Let the usurpers take note!

(Reem Al-Faisal is a Saudi photographer. She is based in Jeddah.)


 


 

 

Democrats got it wrong, say analysts
By Barbara Ferguson, Arab News Correspondent

WASHINGTON, 8 November — As a result of the overwhelming Republican victory in Tuesday’s elections, many have expressed concern that the president will now have a freer hand on foreign policy. Jim Zogby, president of the Arab American Institute, does not agree. “Bush already had a free hand, as the Democrats were unable to block him on any issue, and they provided no meaningful challenge on civil rights issues, nor on the war with Iraq,” Zogby, a Democrat, told journalists yesterday.

Paul Wellstone was losing in the polls, said Zogby, until he decided to oppose the war. Then his support started to swell. “It was a message the other Democrats missed. (Soon-to-be-ex Senate Majority Leader Tom) Daschle surrendered to the president months ago and never understood that he, and his party, needed to be in opposition. The Democrats got it wrong, and that’s their mistake.”

Zogby said the Democrats allowed the Republicans to define the national agenda. “The Republican’s agenda was to get any issues off the front page that could hurt the Republicans: Enron, the economy, etc., and to focus on the war on terrorism and Baghdad.

“Democrats should have said, by threatening to attack Iraq, you put us at risk, and they didn’t. Politics is the art of knowing what is possible,” he said.

The Bush administration has shown itself to be ‘media masterful,’ explained Zogby. “Carl Rove, a White House strategist, is a political genius at message management. The problem is that the Democrats fell into this by letting him determine, and manage, the message.

“We have a 48 percent president, who is acting like an 80 percent president, which are the ratings he got after 9/11. But the Democrats are letting him get away with it. Look at the mastery of how the Harvey Pitt scandal was handled. He resigned on the day of elections because they knew it would be buried by election news.”

Regarding the Arab American community, Zogby said it was a constructive year. “Seventy percent of our candidates won.”

“We actually fared well this year, despite the setback of 9/11, and dealing with the crisis that impacted our community.

“As a result of the Nov. 5 elections, we have a governor, a senator and four members of Congress, and of legislators around the country. We did very well in local elections.”

Asked if he thought the war on terrorism would affect the Arab American candidates, Zogby said no. “We had two or three examples where Arab American ethnicity was used as an issue, and I’m pleased to say it was slammed down hard in every case. The fact is that this year, as opposed to 1996, we found that Arab baiting does not work.”

Zogby disagreed with commentators that say the anti-terrorist campaign overshadowed all else, and is interconnected with the war on Iraq. “All Bush got in these elections was breathing space. “The State Department, the uniformed military, our allies, and the Arab world — there are too many unanswered questions, including how will you conduct this war and have it make sense.

“The American people don’t want a war on Iraq, and it is our job to prove this,” he said.

“You can read the results of yesterday’s elections two ways. People are afraid, and the Democrats did nothing to help put Homeland Security in place,” Janet McElligott, political consultant, and former staffer to the Bush Sr. White House and the National Republican Senatorial Committee, told Arab News.

Fear was an overriding consideration, she said. “The sniper in Washington DC — just days before the elections — drove Sept. 11 home again. Initially, don’t forget, people were afraid that the sniper would turn out to be another terrorist attack.”

The president was successful because while out on the campaign trail, McElligott said, he focused relentlessly on Homeland Security and foreign security issues. “He didn’t talk about the economy because he knew he couldn’t win on it.”

McElligott said there was no overriding theme in this cycle of elections, except for the war on terrorism, and the Democrats failed because they did not force the economy to the forefront.

“This president made it look, for those back in the home states, as though he was their friend. What this does for Bush is that it gives him a Congress full of people who owe him,” said McElligott.

 


 

 

Why the Democrats lost the election
By Rasheed Abou-Alsamh, Arab News

JEDDAH, 8 November — THE DAY after the US midterm elections this week was a dark one for Democrats: President Bush and his Republican candidates swept the elections, regaining control of the Senate, adding seats to their majority in the House of Representatives and winning a few key governorships in New England (Massachusetts and New Hampshire).

No matter that the Democrats had won the governorships of Michigan and Pennsylvania, key industrial states, the losses in the Senate were humiliating enough. My take on the whole debacle is that the Democrats have been scared ever since the attacks of Sept. 11, frozen in time, too afraid to speak up for what they believe in. The Democrats have been too scared to speak up against Bush’s tax cuts that are supposed last for the next 10 years, despite a stock market that virtually collapsed post Sept. 11th, and the fact that huge federal and state budget deficits beggar the question of where Bush and his allies are going to get the money needed to pump-prime the economy, let alone finance a costly invasion of Iraq.

The Democrats were also too scared to speak up and vote against giving President George Bush Jr. the power to go to war with Iraq whenever he sees fit to do so. Where were Dick Gephardt, Tom Daschle, Hillary Clinton and Joe Lieberman when the House and Senate gave Bush the green light to assault Iraq? They voted for the resolutions, too afraid of being tagged unpatriotic if they stood up for what they really believed in.

In America today, it’s considered unpatriotic to be against aggressive American action abroad, no matter how uncalled for it is. Bush has cleverly managed to divert most Americans’ attention away from the crumbling economy (more than 1.7 million jobs lost so far according to conservative Patrick Buchanan), and the mounting corporate scandals by playing on Americans’ fears of further terror attacks post Sept. 11. What Bush and his fellow hawks surrounding him don’t realize is that unwarranted US aggression abroad is just breeding more hatred for America and Americans, a hatred that will endanger Americans for decades to come.

The recent deadly missile attack on the Yemeni Al-Qaeda leader Abu Ali and five supporters in the Yemen was quickly claimed as being the work of the Central Intelligence Agency. It is strange that the CIA was so quick to claim responsibility, but when viewed in context of the general unabashed bragging practiced by most Bush administration officials, it’s not that surprising. Just this past Wednesday morning I watched the hawkish Assistant Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz actually burst out loud laughing when a CNN reporter asked him about the missile attack in Yemen. The obvious pleasure Wolfowitz felt at having dispatched an Al-Qaeda operative to the great beyond, was without question. My suggestion to the Bush administration: Gloat all you want in private, but when you’re on CNN International, for Pete’s sake, show some decorum!

Although the Bush administration has failed miserably in making any connection whatsoever between the thuggish regime of Saddam Hussein and the Al-Qaeda group, Americans have been badgered and scared into believing that regime change in Iraq is of utmost importance to future American security. No matter that Saddam was just as thuggish and brutal before he invaded Kuwait in 1990, no matter that the US and Britain turned a blind eye to that fact in the 1980s and were then the major arms suppliers to Iraq. Despite the best efforts of Bush warmongers, there is a vocal minority of decent Americans who are vocally opposed to invading Iraq, and they represent some of the best values of America in my opinion.

What we fear here from abroad is that the overwhelming success of Republican candidates at the polls this week will send Bush the wrong message that it is OK to invade Iraq and otherwise bully the rest of the world into submission using America’s power and military might. While I do support using America’s power when absolutely necessary, such as the US bombing of Afghanistan earlier this year to overthrow the Taleban regime, I do not think Iraq fits the bill of being absolutely necessary. Yes Saddam is a dictator, and yes he does oppress Iraqis, but I think regime change would be much more acceptable if it came from the Iraqi opposition (with covert US help) or other Arab countries, rather than from the US alone.

 


 

A wake-up call
Arab News, 8 November 2002

It was understandable that in the wake of the World Trade Center attacks, Democrat politicians stood side by side with President Bush’s Republicans in a united front against international terrorism. Fourteen months on from that traumatic moment in US history, the Democrat position is no longer acceptable.

Beaten soundly at the midterm elections and now the minority party in both Houses of Congress, the Democrats are reviewing their political strategy. It must be hoped that with the announced departure of Richard Gephardt, as minority leader in the House of Representatives, the new leadership will look seriously at what may at first seem a controversial agenda — that of actively opposing a warmongering president who is pulling out every nationalistic stop to head his country, the Middle East and the wider world toward a disaster of unimaginable magnitude. The Democrat problem was that once they had rallied round the president and the flag a year ago, it was hard for them to stand back and produce constructive criticism. They feared the charge of being unpatriotic and of undermining the White House drive to crush the unseen terrorist enemy. A minority of Americans entertains considerable doubts about the saber rattling jingoism of the Bush White House, but few politicians among the Democrats, has been brave enough to stand up and echo these reservations. Certainly the Democrat Party as a whole rarely raised its voice to question the administration.

Democrats have so far failed significantly to highlight the hugely questionable linkage between international terrorism and Saddam Hussain’s Iraq, whose alleged weapons of mass destruction are being used as an excuse to prepare the extremely dangerous commitment of the US military to a Middle East invasion.

When countries go to war, truth is always the first casualty. Only a brave man will attempt to swim against the tide of patriotism that wells up, even though in normal times, his arguments and questions might be considered admissible and reasonable.

The United States is already at war with international terrorism and is poised on the brink of war with Iraq. Republican hawks in Congress, as well as the Bush administration, need to be forced by a determined political opposition, to account for their policies and justify their intentions. The Republicans won the midterm elections on the back of war fever. The domestic agenda to cut taxes and rein in spending was always an irrelevance. In their heart of hearts, most voters must have realized that the immense sums necessary to prosecute a Middle East war, let alone a global campaign against terrorism, are going to require more, not less government spending. That expenditure will either have to be paid for by issuing new debt or by higher, not lower taxes. Neither solution is going to do much to ease the gathering US recession.

The Democrats therefore owe it to the American people to let go the coattails of the jingoistic White House and take an independent stand to challenge Bush’s warmongering policies. Party bosses may calculate with standard political cynicism that they have little to lose between now and the presidential elections. If Bush comes unstuck, they will have put clear blue water between themselves and the administration. If he does not, they are unlikely to be in a worse position than they are now.

Nevertheless, however self-serving such a radical realignment of Democrat policy may be, the party owes it to the US electorate to make sure that the Bush administration is forced to account for itself, every step of the way along its belligerent path. What can no longer be allowed to happen is that the Bush White House should lead the country sleep-walking into a deadly and possibly catastrophic war. With their election defeat the Democrats have received a wake-up call. In their response to that electoral disaster, they in their turn can give a wake-up call to the American people.

 


 

No silver lining

 
 Jordan Times  
 

 

THE WORLD sits on the fence again trying to determine what new troubles Israeli Knesset elections will bring to the Middle East. The end of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's grip on power can, in itself, be considered a blessing. Ever since Sharon's rise to the helm, conditions on the ground turned from bad to worse. His track record on Israeli-Palestinian relations has been so disastrous that few will be troubled by his political demise. But there is no silver lining in the present Israeli political fabric. Nothing could be worse than the end of Sharon's grip on power than former Israeli Premier Benjamin Netanyahu's rise to power in his place.

Netanyahu reluctantly accepted the post of interim foreign minister on condition that Sharon accepts to hold early general elections. This much Sharon consented to after failing to woo ultranationalist parties into his camp. Ostensibly Sharon dropped the option to join forces with Israeli ultraextremists in deference to Washington's and his country's "special relationship" with the US. In reality, Sharon may have finally understood the name of the game and yielded to the inevitable. Given the clear swing of Israeli public opinion farther to the right, Netanyahu is a shoo-in for the premiership.

Meanwhile all the talk about rejuvenating peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians will again be put on the back burner. But the worse is yet to come. A Netanyahu victory will bring no good tidings to the Middle East. This is a man who is on record as seeking even harder confrontations with the Palestinians. Still, Netanyahu is neither invincible nor a permanent feature of Israeli politics. He was defeated himself in 1999 by the former Israeli Labour leader Ehud Barak because of the Likud's bankrupt policies towards the Palestinians.

At the end of the day, the Israelis want peace and need peace and a sense of normalcy in their lives. They may still give Netanyahu another short lease on power only to roundly reject him after he proves once again he is not the leader to bring peace, stability and progress to the Israeli people. The Israeli public are the final arbiters whether peace in the area will reign supreme. It is up to them to decide which way their country will turn in the upcoming months and years. They bear a heavy responsibility and they must make the proper choices for their sake and the sake of their neighbours.

Friday-Saturday, November 8-9, 2002

 


 

A Bush candle for Sharon?

By George S. Hishmeh

 
 Jordan Times  
 

 

WASHINGTON — There is no light at the end of the Israeli tunnel, now that Ariel Sharon, the wily Israeli prime minister, has stolen the candle. The road ahead for Palestinians and the Israelis remain unpredictable.

Israel has now plunged into an election campaign after the coalition government disintegrated, sadly not because of its fruitless peace stance but because of a blown-out-of-proportion dispute over a budgetary item. The future at this early stage promises nothing more than a repeat performance of bloodletting. The price to date of Sharon's 19 months in office has come at a cost of more than 100 deaths a month for the Palestinians (and 25 for the Israelis). This would translate to about 10,000 deaths a month in the US, an unbelievable toll!

And all along, this Israeli “man of peace”, as President George W. Bush would want us to believe, had insisted that he was willing to make “painful concessions” for a settlement with the Palestinians, and bring about peace and security to his countrymen. These promises now ring hollow.

In fairness, one should not overlook the complicity of the Israeli Labour Party, which has belatedly broken away from the coalition government, allegedly for preferring to spend $147 million on Israeli settlements rather than help the Israeli poor. Regardless, this major partner in the coalition did subscribe to every decision taken by the government. Whatever justification outgoing Defence Minister and Labour party leader “Fuad” Ben Eliezer, as he is commonly known in Israel because of his Iraqi origin, can come up with to explain his participation in the coalition, he is not likely to save his skin at his party's primary on Nov. 19. As indicated in recent polls, he is hopelessly behind his two rivals, Amram Mitzna and Haim Ramon, who reportedly have now joined ranks.

But the saddest of all leaders in this 19-month reign of terror has been Shimon Peres, who shared with Yitzhak Rabin, the late Israeli prime minister, and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat the Nobel Peace Prize for their short-lived Oslo agreement, which ushered peaceful negotiations that were derailed by this coalition government. And Peres had the temerity to say this week, on the seventh anniversary of Rabin's death, that had he not been assassinated, “we would have reached peace” with the Palestinians. But how can Peres fail to see that he and Binyamin Ben-Eliezer share as much responsibility as Sharon in the murderous attacks on the Palestinians? Amnesty International said as much in its just-released eye-opening statement.

The international watchdog agency accused Israel of committing war crimes during its invasion of the West Bank towns of Nablus and Jenin between April and June. It asserted that some of the actions of the Israeli army “amount to grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention and are war crimes”. It also called for “a full, thorough, transparent and impartial investigation into all allegations of violations of international human rights and humanitarian law”.

Javier Zuniga, Amnesty' International's director of regional strategy, had this to say: “The culpability goes from the soldier who shot somebody with no necessity to those in the line of the command who ordered or condoned or covered up and to the highest authority of the state because they are politically responsible — that would be the prime minister.”

But Sharon has not been moved by all of this. For example, his shocking choice of new cabinet ministers speaks volumes: Shaul Mofaz, the former army chief of staff, to succeed Ben-Eliezer as the minister of defence, and his arch-rival Benjamin Netanyahu to take over the ministry of foreign affairs. Both Netanyahu and Mofaz are on record favouring the expulsion of Arafat from the Palestinian territories and opposing the establishment of a Palestinian state.

Life under a new Israeli coalition of extreme-rightists, albeit for three months, is going to be anything but rosy. What troubles most is that the Israeli prime minister has always managed to bounce back despite his tarnished record. He oversaw the slaughter of 69 Palestinian women and children in Qibya, on the West Bank, in October 1953, and nearly 30 years later the massacre of hundreds of Palestinian refugees — men, women and children — in the Sabra and Shatilla refugee camps in Lebanon.

And yet, he remains the favourite visitor of President George W. Bush, despite his rejection last week of the much-trumpeted American-supported “road map” for a Palestinian-Israeli settlement. In another blow to American hopes, Sharon managed to torpedo a drive by key Palestinian legislators for some commendable housekeeping. But as a result of the Israeli army's ruthless and humiliating attack on Arafat's headquarters in Ramallah last month, the majority of Palestinian legislators felt compelled to back their beleaguered leader and vote his new cabinet which did not differ much from the previous one; only two ministers were given their walking papers.

Whatever the case, Sharon's hold on Bush's White House is unprecedented and was best described last Monday by Washington Post columnist Jackson Diehl: “Sharon, a shrewd and unsubtle tactician, has figured out something that most of his counterparts, especially in Europe, have been slow to grasp: that the easiest way to get results from a bewildering and intimidating American administration, featuring multiple power centres and, occasionally, multiple policies, is to talk straight to the president. In doing so, Sharon has repeatedly succeeded in short-circuiting US policies not to his liking — including a few read out loud by Bush.”

Sharon, in fact, shed some light on his ties to the White House when he publicly said he had preferred to dissolve the Israeli parliament and call for new elections rather than accept the conditions of extreme rightists into his weakened coalition government because this would come at the price of abandoning some of his promises to President Bush.

In turn, it may be time that the American president speak louder to the Israeli leader — who still hopes to return to power with a bigger majority in the new year — and hand Sharon the candle to light the darkened tunnel.

Friday-Saturday, November 8-9, 2002

 

 

 

 

 


 

 


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